Voices of the Magi: Enchanted Journeys in Brazil - Book Review

By Suzel Ana Reily. (Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology.) Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2002. 266 pp. Illus. $21.00 (pbk), $40.00 (hbk). ISBN 0-226-70939-6 (pbk), ISBN 0-226-70941-8 (hbk)

Suzel Ana Reily had the privilege of being one of John Blacking's last students, and she continues his humanistic approach in her work. Voices of the Magi is a study of the popular Catholic musical ensembles of south-eastern Brazil, known as folias de reis (companies of kings). These ensembles were traditionally composed of low-income agricultural workers who re-enact the travels of the Biblical wise men. During their journeys, they walk from house to house, singing and bringing blessings to the families they visit in exchange for largess. The gifts they receive are then used as the basis of a festival on Kings' Day, 6 January, to which all who contributed are invited. As a Catholic ritual performed outside of the church, without a priest, the folias de reis inhabit an area previously unexplored by specialists in Brazilian music.

Reily focuses on urban ensembles. Changes in farming practices and land distribution caused rural workers to migrate to urban areas in search of a better life, bringing this tradition with them. Their ritual journeys and musical performances are used to create sacred spheres distinct from, yet closely related to, their everyday world. This helps maintain community and continuity in the face of a high level of disorientation and change. Reily describes what occurs as a type of "enchantment" in which the communities temporarily make the social ideals of equality and mutual reciprocity at the core of their religious beliefs a reality. This enchantment serves to reinforce their faith and their relationships with each other.

As in other popular Catholic rituals, children are often promised to the folias by their parents in return for anticipated or perceived divine intervention. Others join for their own religious reasons. Still others are asked to participate because they have skills the group needs. There are overlapping musical and organisational hierarchies within each group. The vocal parts and the instruments have their own places within the structure. Youngsters and new recruits are gradually integrated and promoted according to talent and ability. There are specific roles within the group for recruiting members, directing the ritual proceedings, managing the contributions collected by the group, and so on. However, most decisions are based on consensus and there is an overall sense of shared responsibility.

The primary instruments are the viola (a plucked, metal stringed instrument), tambourine, and caixa (a type of drum). According to local belief, the Virgin bestowed these instruments upon the original Magi. The non-traditional, but higher status, guitar is often included. Opinions are divided over the piano accordion. Although the instrument itself meets with disapproval, the sacrifice the musician makes in carrying it on their journeys is recognised as proof of his faith and dedication. The voices are ranked according to their importance in the ritual and their physical place within the ensemble. The most important and difficult parts are in the front, while the more populous and simpler parts are in the back. There is subtle interaction between all the players. During a performance, musical cues and sung instructions are given by the leaders, requiring constant attention from the others.

Reily's informants were unskilled labourers, employed in low-status, poorly paid, menial jobs. Proud, and extremely conscious of the stratification of their society, they felt that to be patronised by the upper classes would be demeaning. They also feared being exploited or abused by those in power. Their social status and reputation within the community was of prime importance to them. Class, ethnicity, and gender marked Reily as an outsider. This made it easier for them to accept her and her interest in their traditions. Had she been Brazilian, or even local to the area, her motives would have been suspect. As a woman of the community, she would have had difficulty integrating into a primarily male domain. One might expect these people to be mistrustful, if not hostile, to an outsider. Instead, they respected and trusted Reily because she treated them as equals.

The academic world of ethnomusicology, anthropology, and folklore was an unfathomable concept to her informants. They had difficulty understanding her role as a researcher and their corresponding role as subjects of her study. They preferred to think of Reily as a reporter. This is how they explained to their associates why she was interviewing, recording, photographing, even participating. It may have heightened their status among their peers to imply that they were the subject of media interest--academics just do not have the same sex-appeal.

The future of this tradition is unknown. There is a trend toward increased government sponsorship of folkloric ensembles, folk festivals, and the like, in an effort to preserve the culture and control the behaviour of the lower classes. The journeys of the folias de reis do not fit within the confines of a festival. It is a visitation custom that draws the community together with reciprocal acts of faith; a participatory event, not a display for entertainment. Creeping outside influences--donations of uniforms and instruments, and invitations to perform outside of the ritual context--are having their effect already.