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Industry: Email Alert RSS FeedBiased Use of Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives on Male Homosexuality in Human Sexuality Textbooks
Journal of Sex Research, Nov, 1998 by Bruce Rind
In a later chapter, guest author Paul Gebhard (Masters et al., 1985, pp. 620-637) provided additional perspective by reviewing male homosexuality in a variety of approving societies. He discussed the widely occurring ancient Greek form, which involves a sexual relationship between an older male and a younger adolescent male in which the older male also acts as a teacher and guardian. Gebhard noted that this type of male-male sexuality is found around the Mediterranean; in many societies in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia; and in some Melanesian islands. In addition to this, he discussed three other examples of the man-boy type (i.e., Sambia, East Bay, and Java). He also discussed two examples of the man-man type, the berdaches and xaniths, who were effeminate males playing the passive role in sexual relations with masculine males in Native American societies and in Oman, respectively. Primary sources reveal that these latter two examples also illustrate the man-boy type, because berdaches and xaniths usually began their sexual careers with adult men when they were young adolescents, if not younger (Wikan, 1982; Williams, 1992).
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In short, Masters et al. (1985) included in their textbook nine historical and cross-cultural examples of societies approving of male-male sex to provide perspective on homosexuality. All nine were relevant to the man-boy type but only two were relevant to the man-man type. Given their unqualified condemnation of man-boy sex in our society, it was inconsistent to use predominately man-boy examples from other times and places to inform the issue of man-man sex in our society. This bias represents an error of commission, using examples to inform issues with which they are not relevant according to the authors' own moral position.
Errors of Omission
Despite including nine historical and cross-cultural examples that were all relevant to man-boy sex, Masters et al. (1985) did not use any of them to provide perspective when discussing man-boy sex in our culture. This omission is problematic because these examples could have informed their critique of Sandfort's (1983) study. Masters et al. speculated that the boys in this study were too intimidated to say anything against their pedophile and that their experiences were all negative. Primary source material from the cross-cultural examples appearing elsewhere in their textbook, however, questions such speculations. Davenport (1965) reported that East Bay Islander boys aged 7 to 11 who had sexual relations with married men would then "discuss their homosexual activities freely and without shame in the presence of their parents and friends" (p. 200). Omani boys aged 12 or 13, after discovering their homosexual interests, actively sought sex with men as prostitutes (i.e., xaniths); this pursuit reflected sexual interest rather than economic need (Wikan, 1982). Williams (1996) reported that the Native American men he interviewed who had boyhood sexual relations with significantly older males typically reflected on these experiences with fond memories, regardless of their current sexual orientation. Such findings, had they been discussed in relation to Sandfort's study, could have substantially informed any speculations offered. Additionally, the ancient Greek form of man-boy sex discussed by Masters et al. and Gebhard (1985), with its functions of pedagogy and guidance, could have informed Sandfort's report that the boys saw their pedophile as a teacher and as one with whom they could discuss their problems.
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