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Uses of sex appeals in prime-time television commercials

Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, March, 1998 by Carolyn A. Lin

Over the years, much work has addressed the impact of physical attractiveness on communication effectiveness and attitude change. However, the manner in which sex appeals are presented in TV commercials (Downs & Harrison, 1985; Lovdal, 1989; Soley & Kurzbard, 1986) has received relatively little attention. In particular, researchers have yet to fully examine the ways males are portrayed in television commercials.

Unlike magazines, television is subject to indecency restrictions in the U.S., owing to its ubiquitous reach. Hence, the latitude for sexiness in television commercials is much narrower than that in magazine advertisements (Lin, 1997). Since magazine advertisements became much "sexier" between the 1960s and 1980s (Schorin & Vanden Bergh, 1985; Soley & Kurzbard, 1986; Soley & Reid, 1988; Sullivan & O'Connor, 1988), it's useful to see how sexy American television commercials have become in the 1990s.

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Courtney and Whipple (1983) suggest that a number of factors need to be considered when studying gender stereotyping or sexism in television commercials, including verbal and nonverbal cues, the context of the scene and the like. The same concern applies to the study of sex appeals as well. This study will examine how primetime television commercials presented sex appeals as portrayed by male and female models. In particular, the investigation centers on the physical characteristics and individual behaviors of models appearing in the advertisement.

Understanding Sex Appeals

The use of sex appeals in commercials dates to the dawn of advertising (Trachtenberg, 1986). Although this study does not address the effects of physically attractive presenters, their widespread use reflects Madison Avenue's faith in the effectiveness of such appeals (Beatty, 1996).

A considerable body of evidence documents the importance of physical attractiveness in determining communication effectiveness and attitude change (e.g., Chaiken, 1979). According to early work, physical attractiveness elicits positive emotional responses during initial contacts (Byrne, 1971; Miller, 1970). Attractive persons are typically rated as more desirable, socially acceptable, respectable, and influential than their less attractive counterparts (Adams, 1977; Berscheid & Walster, 1974; Debevec, Madden & Kernan, 1986; Kleck, Richardson & Ronald, 1974). Patzer (1985, p. 10) further suggests that "the physical attractiveness of a communicator determines the effectiveness of persuasive communication, and ultimately, physical attractiveness of the communicator influences overall marketing outcomes."

Even with these strong theoretical assumptions, and evidence of the power of physical attractiveness on communication outcomes, the impact of physically attractive models on consumer purchase behavior remains unclear (Joseph, 1982). In particular, nudity and erotic content was found to increase consumer attention to an ad, but not necessarily enhance recall or positive attitudes toward a brand (Alexander & Judd, 1986).

Additional evidence also suggests that, as the levels of nudity or erotism increase, the intended communication effects either turn negative or dissipate (LaTour, Pitts, & Snook-Luther, 1991). This is consistent with an earlier study, which found better brand recall was associated with the stimulus of non-sexual illustrations, as opposed to more sexual illustrations (Steadman, 1969).

LaTour et al. (1991) sought to explain what helps determine the effect of a nudity stimulus on a consumer's cognitive response (or ad impression). They found that cognitive response toward female nudity is mediated by multidimensional arousal factors which, in turn, interact with the demographic characteristics of consumers. In a similar vein, Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani and Longo's (1991) meta-analysis suggests a rearticulation of this attractiveness stereotype, arguing that media influences should be placed in the context of such mediating factors as message targeting and context (e.g., Craig, 1992) as well as message content.

Caballero, Lumpkin and Madden (1989) also found little support for the assumption that using physically attractive spokespersons helps solidify purchase decisions. Alternatively, Kahle and Homer (1983) suggested that physically attractive celebrity endorsers elicited better brand recall than unattractive celebrity endorsers. Kamins (1990) further confirmed the effectiveness of using attractive celebrity spokespersons, as they create a more positive attitude toward ads featuring an "attractive" product.

It appears that the effects of sexual images on cognitive reaction cannot be evaluated without considering certain intervening consumer attributes such as gender, age, level of product involvement and emotional arousal (which tends to be rather individualized). According to Plutchik and Kellerman (1980), there are strong emotions of pleasure and love associated with sexual behavior. Zeitlin and Westwood (1986, p. 14) conclude that emotional arousal can enhance communication effectiveness, as when joy and acceptance "draw the viewer toward the stimulus advertisement and the brand." They identified sexual motivation as one of eight common patterns of emotional communication in television.

Health Care Industry

Uses of sex appeals in prime-time television commercials

Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, March, 1998 by Carolyn A. Lin

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