Content provided in partnership with
Health Care Industry
Industry: Email Alert RSS FeedAttitudes and beliefs about suicidal behavior when coming out is the precipitant of the suicidal behavior
Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, Nov, 2003 by Jennifer Ellen Cato, Silvia Sara Canetto
Young persons who describe themselves as lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB) are at least twice as likely than their heterosexual peers to report a history of suicidal behavior (Russell & Joyner, 2001). It has been estimated that one in three LGB youths has engaged in suicidal behavior (D'Augelli, Hershberger, & Pilkington, 2001; Remafedi, Farrow, & Deisher, 1991; Safren & Heimberg, 1999).
- Most Popular Articles in Health
- Fuel your workout: exercisers who eat before they work out have more energy ...
- Soothe a dry, itchy scalp: 5 easy expert solutions
- Cocktails and calories: Beer, wine and liquor calories can really add up. ...
- The sour truth about apple cider vinegar - evaluation of therapeutic use
- The, six best supplements you've never heard of: these secret weapons can ...
- More »
Many factors probably contribute to the high risk for nonfatal suicidal behavior among LGB youths. The experiences associated with being a stigmatized sexual minority while young and vulnerable are likely a component of this risk (Cochran, 2001). Coming to terms with one's sexual minority status can be psychologically challenging. At this vulnerable time, LGB youths are often rejected by key persons in their lives, including family, teachers, and friends. For many LGB youths, coming out leads to isolation and even homelessness. These experiences likely tax LGB youths' capacity for coping. Problems with depression and substance abuse may emerge. Given this context, it is not surprising that a frequently reported antecedent of nonfatal suicidal behavior among lesbian and gay youths is the personal and interpersonal turmoil associated with coming to terms with one's sexual identity (see Saulnier, 1998, for a review).
At the same time, studies show that suicidal behavior is not simply a function of difficulties, stress, or victimization. In other words, suicidal behavior is not necessarily more prevalent among those who experience adversities (Canetto & Lester, 1995). For example, in the United States, suicidal behavior is uncommon among African American women despite their social and economical disadvantage (Canetto, 1992). Also, the stress related to being a member of a stigmatized sexual minority may not be directly associated with suicidal behavior. For example, according to one study of LGB youth, victimization increases the risk for mental disorders but not for suicidality (Hershberger & D'Augelli, 1995).
It has been suggested that the likelihood that someone responds to adversity with suicidal behavior depends, among other things, on cultural factors, including the prevailing social meanings and scripts of suicidal behavior (Canetto, 1997b; Canetto & Lester, 1998; Canetto & Sakinofsky, 1998; Rubinstein, 1987). The social meanings of suicidal behavior are the social interpretations of the suicidal act. For example, one culture (e.g., the U.S.A.) may view suicidal behavior, especially suicidal behavior in young persons, as a symptom of a mental disorder. Another culture (e.g., India) may idealize suicide among one group of individuals (e.g., widows of all ages) but may condemn it for all other persons. The cultural scripts represent the specific forms that the suicidal behavior typically takes in different cultures. These scripts include actors, scenarios, and method. For example, in one culture, suicide may typically involve the use of guns, as is the case among European Americans (Canetto & Sakinofsky, 1998), whereas in another culture, guns may rarely be used in suicide despite their accessibility, as is the case among the Inuit of Canada (Kral, 1998). These meanings and scripts are said to influence the social consequences of the suicidal behavior (e.g., whether the suicidal person is hospitalized, incarcerated, or, if dead, worshipped). They also probably affect the choices suicidal people make when a suicidal act is considered (Canetto & Sakinofsky, 1998). As Rubinstein (1987) has argued, based on his research on suicide among adolescents in Micronesia, "individuals draw upon these cultural meanings in choosing their course of action and in giving this course of action some public legitimacy" (p. 145).
In a recent suicide prevention initiative, the Surgeon General called attention to the role of cultural beliefs in the risk for suicidal behavior. He recommended more research in this area because some beliefs (such as "the belief that suicide is a noble solution to a personal dilemma") may encourage suicidal behavior, whereas other beliefs (such as the belief that the decision to kill oneself is cowardly) may prevent suicidal behavior (U.S. Public Health Service, 1999, p. 9). In fact, he specifically urged an increased focus on cultural factors in the suicidal behavior of understudied populations, such as LGB youth.
Past studies have revealed that situational variables (e.g., the precipitant of the suicidal act) affect judgments of suicidal behavior. There is consistent evidence that suicidal behavior (fatal as well as nonfatal) is perceived as more permissible when it is motivated by a physical illness (Dahlen & Canetto, 2002; Deluty, 1988-1989a, 1988-1989b; Droogas, Siiter, & O'Connell, 1982-1983; Ellis & Hirsch, 1995; Hammond & Deluty, 1992; Ingram & Ellis, 1995; Lester, Guerriero, & Wachter, 1991; Lo Presto, Sherman, & DiCarlo, 1994-1995; Range & Martin, 1990; Singh, Williams, & Ryther, 1986). The evidence is mixed on whether reactions to nonfatal suicidal behavior differ depending on the sex of the suicidal person. For example, one study showed that suicidal men received less sympathy than suicidal women for their suicidal behavior, especially from other men (White & Stillion, 1988). In another study, it was older adult suicidal women who received the least sympathy. In this second study, suicidal men, regardless of age, obtained intermediate amounts of sympathy (Stillion, White, Edwards, & McDowell, 1989). These findings make sense in light of the fact that "attempting" suicide and "failing" to kill oneself are considered youthful, weak, feminine behavior (Canetto, 1997a). However, a more recent study showed that nonfatal suicidal behavior was evaluated equally negatively in women and men (Dahlen & Canetto, 2002).
Find Research Guides for:
Find Featured Titles for: News
Most Popular Articles in Health
- Fuel your workout: exercisers who eat before they work out have more energy ...
- Soothe a dry, itchy scalp: 5 easy expert solutions
- Cocktails and calories: Beer, wine and liquor calories can really add up. ...
- The sour truth about apple cider vinegar - evaluation of therapeutic use
- The, six best supplements you've never heard of: these secret weapons can ...
- More »