Sex Roles: A Journal of Research: Variation in the application of the "promiscuous female" stereotype and the nature of the application domain: influences on sexual harassment judgments after exposure to the Jerry Springer Show

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Variation in the application of the "promiscuous female" stereotype and the nature of the application domain: influences on sexual harassment judgments after exposure to the Jerry Springer Show

Tara Ferguson

Social scientists have devoted an extensive amount of attention to the theoretical and practical consequences of exposure to various types of stereotypical trait information. Mere exposure to a symbol or representative of a social category can be sufficient to activate stereotypic associations, often without awareness or attention (Bargh, 1988). Current theorists, however, emphasize a distinction between stereotype activation and stereotype application. Activation refers to the enhanced accessibility of stereotype-associated information, whereas application refers to the use of this stereotypical information in making dispositional inferences. In this study we assessed whether media-based stereotype activation (through exposure to a few media-based promiscuous women) of the promiscuous female stereotype may lead to the application (i.e., the use of stereotypical traits in making dispositional attributions) of the stereotype to other women.

Although activation of the stereotype tends to occur automatically by exposure to stereotype-associated stimuli (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996; Devine, 1989; Lepore & Brown, 1997), there is strong evidence that there tends to be variation in stereotype application. For example, Ryan, Judd, and Park (1996) demonstrated that individual variation in group stereotypicality perceptions (i.e., the extent of the belief that a stereotyped group possesses stereotypical traits) is directly related to stereotype application to individual stereotyped group members. In addition, there is evidence that stereotype application can be inhibited when individuals are motivated to be nonprejudiced (Devine & Monteith, 1993; Monteith, 1996) or egalitarian (Macrae, Bodenhausen, & Milne, 1998). Although previous research has documented the tendency for variation in stereotype application, there has not been an assessment of the consequences of such variation for subsequent perceptual and evaluative operations. It is possible that variations in stereotype application may mediate the impact of stereotype activation on subsequent responses. To address this limitation in the stereotyping literature, the major purpose of this study was to investigate directly whether the influence of activation of the promiscuous female stereotype on subsequent judgments of sexual aggression would be mediated by variation in the application of the stereotype to the victim of sexual aggression. In addition, we (a) considered how the mass media, in this case a popular television show, can prime and activate sexual stereotypes of women and (b) further examined how contextual factors, such as the nature of the perceptual domain (i.e., judgments of scenarios that involved sexual harassment), might moderate the impact of stereotype activation.

Promiscuous Female Stereotypes and the Media

Social scientists, media critics, and the general public have expressed considerable concern regarding the negative consequences of exposure to various media images of women. For example, there is evidence that exposure to stereotypical media images can elicit body dissatisfaction in women (Cash, Cash, & Butters, 1983; Fouts & Burggraf, 1999, 2000; Fouts & Vaughan, 2002; Irving, 1990; Lont, 1995; Stice, Schupak-Neuburg, Shaw, & Stein, 1994; Stice & Shaw, 1994) and perpetuate the endorsement of gender stereotypic beliefs in both men and women (Beuf, 1974; Lont, 1995; Meyers, 1999; Seidman, 1992). The area of concern most germane to this study is the consequences of exposure to media depictions that emphasize women's sexuality. Previous investigations have shown that women tend to be portrayed as sex objects in advertisements (Hall & Crum, 1994; Knight & Giuliano, 2001; Rossi & Rossi, 1985; Rudman & Borgida, 1995; Rudman & Hagiwara, 1992) and music videos (Emerson, 2002; Sherman & Dominick, 1986). In addition, Lavine, Sweeney, and Wagner (1999) demonstrated the propensity of the media to portray scantily clad women posing as decorative objects.

The results of a number of empirical investigations seem to indicate that the concerns regarding the media's sexual portrayals of women are warranted. In early research. Zillmann and Bryant (1982) assessed the consequences of large amounts of exposure to pornography that featured sexually submissive women. The findings indicated that, relative to controls, participants exposed to massive amounts of such pornography tended to be more callous toward women and were more likely to trivialize rape. Allen, Emmers, and Gebhardt (1995) extended the research in this area by demonstrating that nonviolent pornography also can also influence subsequent perceptions of sexual aggression. Finally, in an assessment of the consequences of exposure to nonpornographic sexual depictions of women, Johnson, Adams. Ashburn, and Reed (1995) exposed both male and female adolescents to rap videos that featured women in sexually subordinate and promiscuous roles. Their findings indicated that such exposure led to increased acceptance of dating violence against adolescent girls.

Although there may be a number of deleterious effects of exposure to media images of promiscuous women (Allen et al., 1995; Johnson et al., 1995; Norris, Davis, & George, 2004), the issue most relevant to this study is the impact of exposure to such images on attributions about other women's behavior. Lavine et al. (1999) contended that exposure to these sexual depictions of women may lead to global thoughts that "women are seductive and frivolous sex objects" (p. 1050). Similarly, Zillmann, and Bryant (1982) asserted that continued exposure to sexual and/or degrading images of women might enhance beliefs in general "female promiscuity" (p. 13.) Although the results of previous research do suggest that the media-based activation (through exposure to a few promiscuous women) of the promiscuous female stereotype may lead to the application (i.e., the use of stereotypical traits in making dispositional attributions) of the stereotype to other women (e.g., Henderson-King & Nisbett. 1996; Johnson, Trawalter, & Dovidio, 2000), there is strong evidence that there will be variation in the extent of such application. That is, there can be variation in the extent that the exposure to images of promiscuous women will lead an individual to apply the promiscuous female stereotype to subsequent dispositional judgments of another woman. It is very possible that such variation in stereotype application can influence subsequent perceptions and evaluative judgments of a particular woman. In this study we assessed whether the application of the promiscuous female stereotype to a sexual harassment victim would vary after exposure to media images of promiscuous women. More important, we assessed whether such variation in stereotype application would influence judgments of victim trauma and victim responsibility.

The Relevance of Sexual Harassment

Although the influence of exposure to the mass media's stereotypical depictions on perceptions of rape has been well documented (Donnerstein, Linz, & Penrod, 1987; Donnerstein & Malamuth, 1997; Malamuth, 1987; Zillmann & Bryant, 1982), there has been much less research on the impact of such exposure on perceptions of other types of sexually aggressive behavior. For example, there has been little empirical research on how the mass media might affect perceptions of sexual harassment. Research has indicated that 35% of women in the workplace (Gutek & Done, 2001) and 65-85% of girls in schools (Hand & Sanchez, 2000; Kalof, Eby, & Matheson, 2001) have reported having experienced some form of sexual harassment. Thus, any research on the role of factors that might affect perceptions of such sexually aggressive behavior certainly seems warranted. One factor that might affect perceptions of sexual harassment is the activation of the promiscuous female stereotype through exposure to media images of promiscuous women. Although Lavine et al. (1999) contended that exposure to such stereotypical media depictions might contribute to a broad range of social problems including "sexual harassment" (p. 1049), the issue has received limited empirical focus. Therefore, this study will extend the literature in this area as we directly assess the role of the activation of the promiscuous female stereotype on subsequent sexual harassment judgements. Specifically, we assessed the consequences of the activation (through exposure to a few promiscuous women in a popular television show) of the belief that women are promiscuous on judgments of an alleged sexual harassment victim.

One major shortcoming of the sexual harassment research is the substantial lack of clarity in people's perceptions of such harassment, as well as the operationalization of sexual harassment into meaningful empirical harassment categories (Gillespie & Leffler, 1987; McKinney, 1990). In order to address this shortcoming, Gruber (1992) developed a comprehensive categorization of sexual harassment that is mutually exclusive and reflective of the recent guidelines of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. These general categories include: (a) verbal comments (i.e., personally demeaning statements or questions and general sexist comments); (b) verbal requests (i.e., goal-oriented statements to seek sexual or relational intimacy); and (c) physical displays (i.e., sexual touching, attempted sexual assault). In support of the validity of this typology, Johnson, Adams, Hall, and Ashburn (1997) demonstrated that the impact of factors such as victim intoxication and participant gender on perceptions of sexual harassment tended to be moderated by the type of harassment. In this study we assessed whether the type of harassment would moderate the impact of the activation of mass media stereotypical depictions on judgments of harassment victims.

Experiment Overview and Predictions

In this study, participants were informed that they would be participating in two separate experiments. The ostensible purpose of the first study, which was entitled "Public Policy Issues," was to assess participants' perceptions of the government's role in regulating various types of television shows. They were exposed to an episode of the Jerry Springer Show that focused on female guests involved in either promiscuous or nonpromiscuous behavior. Subsequently, they answered questions that assessed their perceptions of issues such as the appropriateness of the government regulation of such shows and the frequency with which they watched the show. The Jerry Springer Show was chosen because one of the goals of this study was to assess the negative consequences of exposure to easily accessible and highly popular media stimuli. The talk show, which typically involves discussion of provocative topics, was extremely popular in the mid-1990s. In fact, during that time period, it was ranked as one of the most watched shows among adults ages 18-35 (Littleton, 1998).

In the second experiment, which was entitled "Decision-Making Processes," participants made judgments of three different passages. The relevant passage involved an incident that occurred between a male supervisor and a female subordinate at a company Christmas party. Participants read that when the supervisor was talking to the subordinate, he made a verbal comment ("Your ass sure looks good in that dress."), a verbal request ("I sure would love to see your ass butt-naked in my bed."), or a physical display ("He placed his hands on her buttocks and firmly gripped them."). Thus, the study had a 2 (exposure condition: promiscuous behavior, nonpromiscuous behavior) X 3 (harassment type: verbal comment, verbal request, physical display) factorial design. After reading the passage, participants answered questions that assessed their perceptions of the woman's promiscuity (which served as the measure of stereotype application), her possible trauma, and her responsibility for the incident.

Prediction 1: Exposure Condition

Previous research has indicated that activation of the promiscuous female stereotype tends to elicit more promiscuous and/or negative perceptions of other women (e.g., Donnerstein et al., 1987; Donnerstein & Malamuth, 1997; Malamuth, 1987). Consequently, it was expected that, when compared to those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition, those in the promiscuous behavior condition would make greater attributions of victim promiscuity, report perceptions of less victim trauma, and attribute greater responsibility to the victim.

Prediction 2: Harassment Type

Previous research has demonstrated that any type of previously held biases or attitudes is less likely to affect perceptions of unambiguous behavioral information (Check & Malamuth, 1983; Johnson, Benson, Teasdale, & Simmons. 1997). In this study, the physical display condition involves an unambiguous physical act of sexual harassment. Thus, it was expected that, when compared to those in the physical display condition, those in the verbal comment and verbal request condition would report perceptions of less victim trauma and would attribute greater responsibility to the victim.

Prediction 3: Exposure Condition X Harassment Type

Previous research has shown that any type of cognitive bias, such as stereotype activation, tends to have less impact on perceptions of unambiguous information than on ambiguous information (e.g., Johnson & Jackson, 1988; Johnson, Jackson, & Smith, 1989). It was expected that perceptions of the incident would not vary as a function of exposure condition in the physical display condition. On the other hand, in the verbal comment and verbal request conditions, participants in the promiscuous behavior condition were expected to report perceptions of less victim trauma and to attribute greater responsibility to the victim than would those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition.

Prediction 4: Mediational Role of Stereotype Application

Although it has received little previous attention by researchers, individual variation in the promiscuous female stereotype trait application was expected to mediate the impact of exposure on subsequent judgments of victim trauma and responsibility.

Gender Effects

Previous researchers have demonstrated that sexual harassment perceptions vary as a function of gender (Gutek, 1985; Jones & Remland, 1992; Popovich, Gehlauf, Jolton, & Somer, 1992; Summers, 1991), do not vary as a function of gender (Baker, Terpstra, & Cutler, 1990; Bursik, 1992; Jones, Remland, & Brunner, 1987), or vary on some issues but not others (Castellow, Wuensh, & Moore, 1990; Johnson et al., 1997; Jones et al., 1987). Consequently, no specific predictions were made for participant gender.

METHOD

Participants

Participants were 72 male (mean age = 18.65 years, standard deviation = 0.89) and 67 female (mean age = 19.12 years, standard deviation = 1.23) freshman introductory psychology students from a small university in southeastern North Carolina. The participants were all White and predominantly from southeastern North Carolina. They participated in the experiment for partial fulfillment of a course requirement.

Procedure

To reduce the probability of demand bias, participants were informed that they would be participating in two separate studies.

Part 1 (Public Policy Study)

The ostensible purpose of the first study was to assess the participants' views on "public policy" issues. The cover of the experimental booklets included areas for the participants to list their (a) major, (b) gender, (c) birth date, and (d) age. Participants also gave this information in the "second experiment" (in addition to other irrelevant information) so that their responses in the first experiment could be matched with their responses in the second experiment.

A female experimenter distributed the booklets labeled "Public Policy Issues." An excerpt from the exact instructions is given below:

     We are presently involved in research on the public view of
     regulation of various issues associated with present day media
     stimuli ... One of the shows that has received the greatest amount
     of attention is Jerry Springer. This show has been criticized for
     (a) nudity, (b) excessive violence, and (c) glorifying immoral
     behavior. We are interested in your perceptions of the appropriate
     government role in regulating these types of shows. We are also
     assessing various other perceptions regarding this show. You will
     see several clips from the Jerry Springer Show. After watching the
     clips, you will be asked to respond to several questions.

The participants then watched one of two types of 30-min compilation of clips from several Jerry Springer shows. Those in the promiscuous behavior condition watched a compilation of clips that involved various women discussing their participation in a number of sexual activities. These activities included extramarital affairs, "having lots of sex, because I just can't get enough," lesbian affairs, infidelity in lesbian relationships, etc. These clips were chosen because the focus of the discussion was some type of sexual activity that was initiated by the female guests. Participants in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition watched a compilation of clips that showed women who were involved in disordered eating, family conflict, and hate groups. These clips were chosen because they did not involve any forms of sexual activity or discussion of sexual topics.

After watching the clips, participants answered four filler questions regarding their perceptions of the government's role in regulating such shows. They also read that the experimenters were interested in a "few more issues" associated with the show. Participants answered the following Likert-type questions: (a) How many Jerry Springer shows do you watch per week? (1 = no shows, 4 = three shows, 7 = six shows): (b) How much did you like the clips that you just watched? (1 = very little, 9 = very much).

After all of the participants had completed the questionnaires, the experimenter thanked them for their participation, passed out the credit slips, asked the participants to wait for the next experimenter, and left the room.

Part Two (Decision-Making Skills)

A second female experimenter then entered and informed the participants that she was interested in decision-making skills. An excerpt from the exact instructions is given below:

    Do I leave my boyfriend or do I stay? Do I choose a big university
    out of state or do I stay small and near my hometown? Decisions!
    Decisions! Decisions! We are interested in factors that are involved
    in decision-making. Clearly, this information could be used to study
    and/or explain judgmental processes. Many of the processes have
    major implications (e.g., an important criminal trial), thus it is
    important to determine the factors that might underlie such
    processes. You will read four brief passages. These passages will
    involve a number of different issues because we wanted to include a
    variety of potential decision-making situations.

The booklet contained three irrelevant passages that involved (a) a decision in a young man's wrongful death lawsuit, (b) a decision regarding a university cheating scandal that involved a young man, and (c) a decision regarding the probability that a young woman with a mid-B average would be successful at a prestigious university.

The passage of interest was labeled "occupational decisions," and it ostensibly involved an actual sexual harassment case. The story indicated that Sara Worthy was at an office Christmas party and she was "hanging out at the bar and drinking with her direct supervisor." He eventually asked her to step outside on the terrace so that they could "get a little privacy." Once they got outside, the supervisor engaged in one of three activities: (a) "he said, 'Your ass sure looks great in that dress.'" (verbal comment); (b) "he said, 'I sure would love to see your ass butt-naked in my bed.'" (verbal request); or (c) "he grabbed her buttocks and gave them a firm squeeze" (physical display). Ms. Worthy later filed sexual harassment charges. The passage also states that the supervisor acknowledged the activities, but he believed that she "was a willing participant." After reading the passage, the participant answered three questions on a 9-point Likert-type scale. The exact questions were: (a) How promiscuous was the woman in the passage? (1 = not promiscuous at all, 9 = extremely promiscuous); (b) How traumatic was the event for the woman? (1 = not traumatic at all, 9 = extremely traumatic); and (c) How responsible was the woman for the event that occurred at the party? (1 = not responsible at all, 9 = completely responsible). After all of the participants completed the questionnaires, the experimenter thanked them for participation, gave a debriefing, and passed out the credit slips.

RESULTS

Manipulation Checks

Twenty independent raters (10 men and 10 women) watched the promiscuous behavior compilation clips and the nonpromiscuous behavior compilation clips (5 men and 5 women watched each). After viewing the clips they were asked to answer the following questions: (a) How promiscuous were the women in the clips? (1 = not promiscuous at all, 7 = extremely promiscuous); (b) How attractive were the women in the clips? (1 = not very attractive, 7 = extremely attractive); and (c) How interesting were the clips? (1 = not interesting at all, 7 = extremely interesting). (5)

The ratings indicated that the promiscuity level was manipulated successfully. The raters believed that the women in the promiscuous behavior condition (M = 5.73) were more promiscuous than those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition (M = 2.14), t(18) = 7.98, p < .001. In contrast, and as expected, the raters perceived no differences in the attractiveness of the women in the promiscuous (M = 3.5) and nonpromiscuous behavior clips (M = 3.8), t(18) = .99, p > .25. Finally, the rated interest levels for the promiscuous behavior clips (M = 2.93) and the nonpromiscuous behavior clips (M = 3.34) were not significantly different, t(18) = 1.32, p > .25.

Exposure Condition

Consistent with previous research on sexual harassment (Baker, Terpstra, & Cutler, 1990; Bursik, 1992; Jones, Remland, & Brunner, 1987), our preliminary analysis indicated no significant main effects or interactions associated with participant gender on the dependent variables (i.e., trauma, attribution of responsibility). Consequently, participant gender was not included in the subsequent analysis. The main analysis involved a 2 (exposure condition: promiscuous behavior, nonpromiscuous behavior) X 3 (harassment type: verbal comment, verbal request, physical display) ANOVA.

This group of analyses assessed the impact of activation of the promiscuous female stereotype on subsequent perceptive and evaluative operations. As expected, promiscuity perceptions (M = 7.09) were greater in the promiscuous behavior condition than in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition (M = 2.28), F(1, 137) = 339.07, p < .001. In addition, those in the promiscuous behavior condition (M = 3.22) perceived less victim trauma than did those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition (M = 4.39), F(1, 133) = 9.20, p <.001. Finally, those in the promiscuous behavior condition (M = 4.92) attributed greater responsibility to the victim than did those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition (M = 3.51), F(1, 133) = 10.17, p < .01.

Harassment Type

The results indicated that, when compared to those in the physical display (M = 4.60) and verbal request (M = 4.00) conditions, those in the verbal comment condition (M = 2.96) perceived less victim trauma. F(1, 133) = 6.78, p < .01. In addition, when compared to those in the physical display (M = 3.07) and verbal request (M = 4.31) conditions, those in the verbal comment (M = 5.22) condition attributed greater responsibility to the victim. F(1, 133) = 8.73, p < .01.

Exposure Condition X Harassment Type

This group of analyses assessed whether the impact of activation of the promiscuous female stereotype would be moderated by the nature of the perceptual domain. As expected, and as shown in Table I and Figure 1, the interaction between exposure condition and harassment type reached significance for judgments of victim trauma, F(2, 133) = 3.24, p < .05. The results indicated that perceptions of victim trauma did not vary as a function of exposure condition for those in the physical display condition. On the other hand, for those in the verbal comment and verbal request conditions, participants in the promiscuous behavior condition perceived less victim trauma than did those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition. Planned comparisons indicated that: (a) those in the verbal comment-promiscuous condition perceived less victim trauma than did those in the verbal comment-nonpromiscuous condition, t(136) = 2.59, p < .01; (b) those in the verbal request-promiscuous condition perceived less victim trauma than did those in the verbal request-nonpromiscuous condition, t(136) = 1.72, p < .05; and (c) trauma perceptions of those in the physical display-promiscuous condition and physical display-nonpromiscuous condition were not significantly different, t(135) = .11, p > .05.

In addition, the interaction between exposure condition and harassment type reached significance for attribution of victim responsibility, F(2, 133) = 3.36, p < .05. As shown in Table II and Figure 2. The results indicated that attributions of victim responsibility did not vary as a function of exposure condition for those in the physical display condition. On the other hand, for those in the verbal request and verbal comment condition, participants in the promiscuous behavior condition attributed greater responsibility to the victim than did those in the nonpromiscuous behavior condition. Planned comparisons indicated that: (a) those in the verbal comment-promiscuous condition attributed greater responsibility to the victim than did those in the verbal comment-nonpromiscuous condition, t(136) = 2.75, p < .01; (b) those in the verbal request-promiscuous condition attributed greater responsibility to the victim than did those in the verbal request-nonpromiscuous condition, t(136) = 2.11, p < .01; and (c) attributions of responsibility by those in the physical display-promiscuous condition and those in the physical display-nonpromiscuous condition were not significantly different, t(135) = .13, p > .05.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

Mediational Analysis

A central prediction of this study involved target promiscuity perceptions' (i.e., stereotype application) mediation of the impact of exposure condition on subsequent judgments. Within the multiple regression approach described by Baron and Kenny (1986), mediation is established by the co-occurrence of a series of effects. First, when the dependent variable (trauma, victim responsibility) is regressed on the independent variable (exposure level), it should be shown that the independent variable predicts the dependent variable. Second, the independent variable should predict the potential mediator (promiscuity perceptions). Third, when the dependent variable is regressed on the independent variable simultaneously with the potential mediator, the potential mediator should still significantly predict the dependent variable, but the effect of the independent variable should be weaker than in the first equation, and, ideally, not reach significance.

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

Trauma Judgments

The first set of analyses examined whether the effect of exposure condition on victim trauma judgments was mediated by differences in perceptions of promiscuity. As described above, exposure condition predicted the dependent measure (victim trauma judgments) in the first equation, [beta] = .25, t = 2.96, p < .05, and the potential mediator (i.e., promiscuity perceptions) in the second equation, [beta] = -.69, t = -11.31, p < .001. In support of the predictions, promiscuity perceptions did mediate the effect of exposure condition on judgments of victim trauma. In the third equation, perceptions of promiscuity did significantly predict judgments of victim trauma, [beta] = -.32, t = -2.88, p < .01, and the effect of exposure condition was reduced to nonsignificance, [beta] = .02, t = .79, p > .25.

Attributions of Victim Responsibility

The second set of analyses examined whether the effect of exposure condition on attributions of victim responsibility was mediated by differences in promiscuity perceptions. As reflected in the results of the ANOVAs, exposure condition predicted the dependent measure (i.e., attributions of victim responsibility) in the first equation, [beta] = -.25, t = -3.12, p < .01, and the potential mediator (i.e., promiscuity perceptions) in the second equation, [beta] = -.69, t = -11.31, p < .001. In partial support of the predictions, perceptions of promiscuity did mediate the effect of exposure condition on attributions of victim responsibility. In the third equation, perceptions of promiscuity did marginally predict attributions of victim responsibility, [beta] = .21, t = 1.73, p = .08, and the effect of the exposure condition was reduced to nonsignificance, [beta] = -.11, t = -1.03, p > .25.

Perceptions of Academic Success

Given the research that has shown that the activation of the promiscuous female stereotype can generalize to perceptions of women in nonsexual domains (e.g., Zillman & Bryant, 1982), participants' responses to the passage regarding the probability of a young woman's success in college were analyzed. The results indicated that, when compared to those in the nonpromiscuous condition (M = 5.32), those in the promiscuous condition (M = 6.34) were less certain that the woman could succeed at a prestigious university, F(1, 137) = 6.89, p < .01.

The Impact of Previous Exposure to the Jerry Springer Show

According to cultivation theory, viewers come to "cultivate" television information by integrating it into their perceptions of real-world phenomena (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorelli, 1994; Shrum, 1996; Shrum, Wyer, & Guinn, 1998). More important, the theory suggests that there is a positive relationship between the extent of television exposure and the degree of "television-based" reality distortions. The theory further implies that the magnitude of such distortions can have a direct influence on attitudes and behaviors. To assess how the extent of previous exposure to the Jerry Springer Show might affect subsequent attitudes and perceptions, a median split of the participants' reported frequency of Jerry Springer Show viewing was employed to divide participants in to high exposure (M = 4.01 shows per week) and low exposure (M = 0.5 shows per week) groups. The results indicated that previous exposure had no impact on perceptions of promiscuity, F(1, 137) = 0.33, p > .25, perceptions of trauma, F(1, 137) = 0.23, p >.25, or attributions of victim responsibility, F(1, 137) = 0.5, p > .25. Conversely, when compared to those in the high exposure condition (M = 5.58), those in the low exposure condition (M = 6.99) reported greater perceived probability that the Jerry Springer Show clips could affect attitudes and/or behavior, F(1, 137) = 8.58, p < .01. There was no significant difference between men (M = 2.23 shows per week) and women (M = 2.45 per week) on the extent to which they had viewed the show, F(1, 137) = 0.99, p > .25. Finally, those in the high exposure condition (M = 6.45) reported a greater liking of the Jerry Springer Show clips than did those in the low exposure condition (M = 1.56), F(1, 137) = 427.07, p < .001.

DISCUSSION

The results of this study reveal that activating the promiscuous female stereotype through exposure to a popular television show can affect subsequent judgments of other women (including those in a nonsexual domain). When compared to those who were exposed to clips of women engaged in nonpromiscuous behavior, those who were exposed to clips of women involved in promiscuous behavior reported perceptions of less victim trauma and attributed greater responsibility to the victim in a sexual harassment case. In addition, the findings also demonstrated that, when compared to sexual harassment that involved a physical display or a verbal request, those who witnessed only a verbal comment reported perceptions of less victim trauma and attributed greater responsibility to the victim in a sexual harassment case. There was also evidence that the influence of exposure condition was moderated by the nature of the harassment. Specifically, exposure to media images of stereotypically sexual women led to less favorable perceptions of the victim in a sexual harassment case that involved a verbal comment or a verbal request, but had minimal effects in a sexual harassment case that involved a physical display. Finally, and most important, the present findings demonstrated that individual variation in the application of the promiscuous female stereotype to a sexual harassment victim can mediate the influence of media-based stereotype activation on subsequent perceptions and evaluations of that victim.

In the results of this study, there was clear variation in the application of the promiscuous female stereotype to the sexual harassment victim after exposure to the media images of promiscuous women. These findings are consistent with previous research that has shown that there can be variation in stereotype application after various forms of stereotype activation (e.g., Devine & Monteith, 1993; Monteith, 1996). However, the present findings extend the stereotyping literature by providing the first empirical demonstration that such variation can have direct implications for subsequent perceptual and evaluative operations. Specifically, the findings indicate that the influence of exposure to media images of stereotypically sexual women on sexual harassment judgments was mediated by the variations in application of such a stereotype on sexual harassment victim. Although this study involved sexual harassment victims, the findings also seem to have implications for other perceptual and evaluative domains such as those involving Black men. For example, exposure to stereotypical media depictions of violent Black men has been shown to play a role in subsequent stereotype related judgments (e.g., Johnson et al., 1997, 2000). Differences between the Black men in the media depictions and the Black defendant (i.e., age, appearance, socioeconomic status) may lead to variation in the stereotype trait application to the Black defendant. The present findings suggest that this type of variation may mediate subsequent judgments of defendant guilt and appropriate punishment. Future research that directly addresses such issues certainly seems to be interesting and warranted.

Previous research on stereotypes and the media has shown that the influence of activating race-related stereotypes on subsequent judgments can be influenced by the nature of the perceptual domain. For example, Johnson et al. (1997) investigated the impact of exposure to violent news stories (without any racial identification of the assailants) on subsequent attributions. They found that such media exposure had minimal impact on attributions of a White target, but that this exposure tended to elicit stronger dispositional attributions for a Black male target's violent behavior. In more recent research. Johnson et al. (2000) demonstrated that effects of exposure to violent rap music were stronger when the target was a member of the associated group (Black or White) and the judgments were stereotype-related (i.e., about violence and intellectual characteristics rather than about spatial skills). The results of this study demonstrated that the influence of media activation of gender-related stereotypes can also be moderated by the nature of the perceptual domain. Specifically, exposure to media images of stereotypically sexual women led to less favorable perceptions of the victim in a sexual harassment case that involved a verbal comment or a verbal request. but had minimal effects in a sexual harassment case that involved a physical display. Thus, there is now empirical evidence that the influence of media activation of race-related and gender-related stereotypes can be influenced by the nature of the perceptual domain. In light of recent research that indicated that there are substantive differences between the perceptual and judgmental dynamics associated with racism and sexism (see Fiske and Stevens, 1993, for a more complete discussion), these findings are especially interesting. Further research to determine which factors will determine when the dynamics between race-related and gender-related stereotypes will diverge certainly seems warranted.

Although the present results are consistent with previous research that indicated that exposure to media images of promiscuous women can have implications for later judgments, they also provide a number of extensions of research in this area. First, and most important, the present findings demonstrated that the influence of exposure to images of promiscuous women on subsequent judgments of sexual aggression can be mediated by the extent that the promiscuous female stereotype is applied to the victim. This is one of the first empirical demonstrations that there are factors that mediate the impact of exposure to media images of stereotypically sexual women on subsequent judgments of sexual aggression. Second, the findings also indicate that exposure to nonpornographic images of promiscuous women from "easily accessible" media sources (i.e., a popular television program) can have deleterious consequences. Previous research in this area has tended to focus on the impact of exposure to pornographic images of promiscuous women from less accessible media outlets (Donnerstein et al., 1987; Zillman & Bryant, 1982). Third, the present results provide one of the first empirical investigations of the role of exposure to images of promiscuous women on sexual harassment judgments. Although Lavine, Sweeney, and Wagner (1999) contended that repeated exposure to such images can contribute to "a broad range of social problems ... including sexual harassment" (p. 1049), previous research in this area has tended to be limited to the impact of media exposure on rape perceptions (Donnerstein et al., 1987; Donnerstein & Malamuth, 1997; Malamuth, 1987). Fourth, the findings indicated that the impact of exposure to images of stereotypically sexual women in a popular television show was not moderated by the extent of previous exposure to that show. More important, perceived impact of exposure to the show was moderated by previous exposure. When compared to those in the low exposure group, those in the high exposure group were less likely to believe that such shows could affect attitudes and behavior. Paradoxically, these findings indicate that individuals with the greatest amount of exposure to the negative media images were least likely to be aware of the potential effects of such exposure. Thus, taken together, the present findings provide additional empirical leverage to the contention that the impact of exposure to stereotypical media stimuli "may be both significant and insidious" (Johnson et al., 2000, p. 249).

Table I. Mean Trauma Perceptions as a Function of Exposure Condition and
Harassment Type

                      Exposure condition
Harassment type   Promiscuous  Nonpromiscuous

Verbal comment    1.83 (2.49)  4.01 (2.34)
Verbal request    3.35 (2.61)  4.68 (1.91)
Physical display  4.63 (2.49)  4.57 (2.12)

Note. Higher values indicate greater trauma perception. Standard
deviations appear in parentheses.

Table II. Mean Attributions of Victim Responsibility as a Function of
Exposure Condition and Harassment Type

                      Exposure condition
Harassment type   Promiscuous  Nonpromiscuous

Verbal comment    6.45 (2.57)  4.07 (2.48)
Verbal request    5.20 (2.76)  3.52 (2.45)
Physical display  3.01 (2.30)  3.35 (2.76)

Note. Higher values indicate greater attribution of victim
responsibility. Standard deviations appear in parentheses.

(5) Although the clips did not differ in the women's attractiveness or the raters' interest level, there may have been other differences that could have influenced participants' responses. However, mediational analyses indicate that perceptions of promiscuity mediated the impact of exposure on the various responses, which suggests that the promiscuity differences were the major factor that influenced participants' responses.

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Tara Ferguson, (1) Jeff Berlin, (1) Erica Noles, (1) James Johnson, (1,4) William Reed, (2) and C. Vincent Spicer (3)

(1) University of North Carolina--Wilmington, Wilmington, North Carolina.

(2) Albany State University, Albany, New York.

(3) College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina.

(4) To whom corresponding should be address at Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina--Wilmington, Wilmington, North Carolina 28403; e-mail: johnsonj@uncw.edu.