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Living the paradox: female athletes negotiate femininity and muscularity

Sex Roles: A Journal of Research,  March, 2004  by Vikki Krane,  Precilla Y.L. Choi,  Shannon M. Baird,  Christine M. Aimar,  Kerrie J. Kauer

<< Page 1  Continued from page 17.  Previous | Next

Although the athletes' descriptions of the ideal feminine body were consistent with the dominant ideal as portrayed in the media, it is important to situate this within a White, heterosexual prototype, or what Dewar (1993) referred to as the "generic sporting woman." All of the athletes in this study were White and presented as heterosexual. It is very likely that athletes of color and lesbian or bisexual athletes may not aspire to this same ideal. Yet, as Dewar noted, these other women are rendered invisible in sport and hegemonic femininity is privileged. For this reason, it also is important to note that although the athletes presented as heterosexual, it is possible that some of them identify as lesbian or bisexual. However, as Braun (2000) pointed out, focus groups offer many benefits, but they also may perpetuate heterosexism. The dominant heterosexual focus within the groups with discussions of dating and being attractive to men may have created an environment where women were not comfortable revealing another identity. How to challenge and not collude in heterosexism is an important issue for researchers to consider (Braun, 2000).

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It also is important to point out that although there were commonalities among these athletes' construction of femininity and its consequences, they were not a wholly homogeneous group. In general, the tennis players were more concerned with portraying a traditionally feminine appearance and the rugby and hockey players most pushed the boundaries of femininity. Ice hockey and rugby were club sports, organized or managed by the women on the team. They were not governed within the traditional male-dominated sport setting, and the women were not compelled to adhere to hegemonic standards. Also of interest is that these athletes revealed positions contrary to popular beliefs. For example, although gymnasts and distance runners are stereotyped to be excessively thin, the women in this study were just as concerned about being too muscular as the athletes more commonly expected to be large and muscular (e.g., basketball, softball, and soccer players).

In conclusion, this study has extended our understanding of female athletes' perceptions of their bodies and their selves in sport and society. Rather than simply being passive victims of hegemonic femininity however, women can actively choose how the paradox of dueling identities is lived through different gender and femininity performances. Our study has illustrated the complexity of this process as women move among scripts as well as perform different scripts simultaneously. Moreover, "choices" are not always freely chosen. The complexity of living this paradox might lead to negative behaviors such as poor body image, disordered eating, and low self-esteem, although this did not seem to be the case for the women in our study. Indeed, through their negotiations of femininity they redefined the acceptable female body and behavior, reveling in their self-descriptions of their "nonfeminine" behaviors such as being noisy, assertive, competitive, and tough, as well as swearing, sweating, and eating. Although the athletes noted that other people may not consider this acceptable feminine behavior, for them it was normal, and being an athlete was reconciled by the many physical and psychological benefits that empowered them both inside and outside of the sport context.