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"You learn and learn and learn…. and then you are an adult": parental perceptions of adolescence in contemporary Swaziland
Margaret Zoller BoothThe universality of adolescence, as a developmental period apart from childhood and adulthood, has been investigated, debated, and romanticized in the literature both historically and cross-culturally. This paper examines Swaziland, a small country in Southern Africa, as a case study in order to explore whether or not the Swazi people conceptualize this phase of life as a separate developmental period. It also analyzes common parental perceptions of the adolescent years, and what constitutes the difference between childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Finally, it qualitatively examines the behaviors which parents associate with becoming adults.
Historical Overview
Psychologists and anthropologists have gone from ignoring to being obsessed with the concept of adolescence. Western cultures were heavily influenced by the writings of G. Stanley Hall and his early 20th century recapitulation thesis of adolescence. Hall's preoccupation with this developmental period was based on his conception of it as being the "revealer of the past of the race" and "the only point of departure for the superanthropoid that man is to become" (Hall, 1911, p. 94). In other words, Hall looked upon adolescents as resembling early humans in terms of being devoid of highly developed cognition and moral maturity. This attitude influenced Western (primarily North American) 20th century views which interpreted adolescence as a universal, predetermined period of turmoil and disruption ("storm and stress").
Hall's writings set social scientists from every discipline to work exploring the stage of adolescence with the hopes of either confirming or rejecting his negative, evolutionary perspective. Margaret Mead (1928) explored this topic in Coming of Age in Samoa, where she contradicted Hall's assertion that adolescence was necessarily a time of stress and turmoil. She stated that adolescents in Samoa were gently led through this developmental period, emphasizing the importance of traditional institutions which provided young men and women a calm rite of passage. Consequently, Mead interpreted this period as being shaped by the environment. While she did not disagree that adolescence could possibly be universally present, she did not believe that Hall's characterization of it as a time of biologically predetermined turmoil was applicable to all societies, but rather as being relative to the cultural context.
Over the past generation, Mead's theories regarding Samoan adolescence have come under intense scrutiny. Derek Freeman (1983) has argued that Mead's interpretation of adolescent behavior as being culturally influenced is not only wrong, but represents flawed scholarship. However, others have noted that (among other problems) Freeman does not take into account the historical nature of the research. Mead's research in the 1920s took place with a culture that has changed throughout the 20th century, especially as a result of post-World War II Western influence (Cote, 2000; Shankman, 2000). Consequently, when analyzing the cultural context of a developmental period like adolescence, historical context is also an essential variable.
Taking the relativist view even further, some have described adolescence as a stage that is not universal. This perspective analyzes adolescence as purely a social construct; not present in every society, it is instead largely an invention of Western, industrialized nations (Bakan, 2001; Sebald, 1992). Sebald contends that "adolescence is an invention of modern civilization. It lacks the universality and naturalness that are innate to such statuses as childhood and adulthood" (p. 1). Furthermore, Sebald's terminology parallels that of a disease, as he claims that the "societies affected" are almost always urban and industrial. He points to Western nations as being the source of "this modern occurrence" and suggests scrutinizing the conditions within these societies which may help to answer the question: "Why adolescence in our time?" (p. 1).
Bakan (2001) attempts to answer Sebald's question regarding adolescence "in our time" by arguing that "the invention or discovery of adolescence in America was largely in response to the social changes that accompanied America's development in the latter half of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century" (p. 5). Furthermore, "the principal reason was to prolong the years of childhood .... in order to fulfill the aims of the new urban-industrial society which developed so rapidly following the Civil War" (p. 5). This interpretation has also been popularized by Hine (1999) in The Rise and Fall of the American Teenager, which argues that the "teenager was an invention of the Machine Age" (p. 4). Nevertheless, one must ask if the nature of adolescence is being characterized as synonymous with the social phenomenon in the U.S. Bakan's assertion that adolescence is an invention may be appropriate only when characterizing the contemporary American adolescent. Social scientists who identify adolescence as a contemporary phenomenon argue that preindustrialized societies do not recognize this time period as necessary for youth to learn adult roles, since they have already learned these gender-specific roles throughout childhood (Segall et al., 1999).
These theories, however, have created a simplistic dichotomy between industrialized and preindustrialized societies. They assume that the adolescent period is absent in less industrialized peoples because cultural expectations, elaborate ceremonies (rites of passage), and other traditional institutions ensure a quick transition from childhood to adulthood (Segall et al., 1999).
Other research examines the presence or absence of the word "adolescent" in a language, which leads to hypotheses regarding the presence of such a stage. For instance, Japanese is an example of a language which does not have such a term (White, 1987). Researchers have noted the difficulty of discussing this developmental period with Japanese teachers and parents because of the need to first define and describe adolescence as interpreted in the United States. Letendre (2000) has found that "most Japanese teachers had no clear idea what adolescence was and that many failed to recognize the English loanword adoresensu" (p. 1). Nonetheless, the question becomes whether there is the absence of this developmental period simply because there is no direct translatable word for adolescent.
Schlegel and Barry (1991) have conducted a comprehensive examination of information available on 173 societies for boys and 175 societies for girls, concluding that all of these societies (except perhaps one for girls) included periods which we could call adolescence. However, many aspects of adolescence vary from culture to culture, including parental perceptions of this period, its length, one's position in society, and purpose in regard to social learning and preparation for adulthood. Generally, they concluded that differences occur "according to subsistence needs and constraints, property ownership or its absence, the structure of the family and the community, and anticipations of adult life" (p. 200). Consequently, if Schlegel and Barry are correct, the Swazi people traditionally have had and will today recognize a form of adolescence.
Traditional Swazi Society
Traditionally the Swazi people do not refer to any particular age group as adolescents. Furthermore, there is no direct siSwati term for adolescent, while there are direct translations of the words child umntfwana) and adult (lokhulile). However, the absence of terminology does not necessarily mean an absence of that concept. Both Kuper (1947; based on research conducted from 1935 to 1937) and Marwick (1966; based on research conducted from 1936 to 1939), anthropologists who studied Swazi culture, stressed the importance of the "age-class" (libutfo) system--which could be viewed as having developmental stage components--among the Swazi nation. First, the Swazi believe strongly in respect for age. Kuper referred to the often repeated dictum "respect and obey your elders" as a central element in the process of socializing the young. Second, the Swazi nation as a military unit has influenced its social composition and customs. The class hierarchy ranges from king (iNgwenyama) and queen mother (iNdlovukazi) down to commoners (Kuper, 1974; Marwick, 1966; Booth, 1983).
Traditionally the siSwati language has reflected Swazi beliefs regarding the importance of age. Thus, while there is no general term for adolescent, the language does differentiate between younger and older boys and girls. Furthermore, the terminology not only reflects their approximate age, but more importantly, their role in society. As shown in Table 1, the terminology is the same for both boys and girls until the third stage, when their ears are ritually cut and they begin to learn their gender-related duties. According to Marwick, the fourth stage for both males and females begins when they start to "show signs of adolescence," thus |inking this stage to pubertal development (Marwick, 1966, p. 69). From this point on, the stages are more differentiated, especially for females (see Table 1).
The various stages reflect the military and hunting responsibilities of men and the reproductive role of women. Early anthropological reports by both Kuper and Marwick, supplemented by more recent research by Russell (1993) and McLean (1995), have revealed a society which places greater importance on childbearing and continuance of the patrilineal line than on premarital virginity. The activities of the later teenage years for both males (lijaha) and females (lichikiza) emphasize the importance of learning lovemaking and preparing for the later adult roles of husband and wife (see Table 1). While it is preferable for children to be born after marriage, children born as a result of these unions are easily incorporated into society. According to Russell, "the very smoothness with which the birth of children to the unmarried is accomplished in Swaziland suggests that the phenomenon is much older, and normal rather than pathological in Swazi society" (p. 46). Furthermore, she states that there are "well-understood rules for allocating responsibility for children outside marriage, within the existing homestead structure" (p. 47).
According to Marwick, the male stage of lijaha and female stage of lichikiza are designed purposefully to prepare these young Swazi for the later stage of"complete manhood and womanhood--marriage." But at this time, Marwick states, "they have now passed out of childhood into manhood and womanhood, and their horizon is extended from that of the household to the wider one of tribal life" (p. 70). Traditionally, at this time they also go through rites of passage symbolizing their maturity and preparation for adulthood. Kuper (1947) referred to the umcwasho ceremony as a means to honor young virgins and "is spoken of as sika sabantfwana (a custom of children) or kubakhulisa (to make them grow up)" (p. 131). This ceremony (which ends in a ritual dance, singing, and feasting) emphasizes the desire for young maidens to be virgins, but with the understanding that as they "grow up" this will change.
Similarly, the males go through the iNcwala or "first fruits ceremony." This is designed to honor the Swazi king and additionally symbolizes the maturing of these boys into men. According to Matsebula (1988), this ceremony also celebrates the beginning of love relationships which these young men will have, but emphasizes the importance of acquiring a lover who has not yet conceived a child, with virginity being of secondary importance. According to Armstrong and Nhlapo (1985), regulations regarding parentage are particularly important as a result of inheritance laws. Thus, virginity is significant to the extent that one's paternity is certain and thus the child's inheritance is not in dispute. If a woman should conceive a child before marriage and her husband is not the biological father, the biological father can claim the child whenever he is prepared to pay the requisite fine.
Consequently, the activities and ceremonies which traditionally have taken place during the periods of lijaha and lichikiza are a celebration of those aspects of Swazi society which are most important--reproduction, extension of the family, and continuance of the clan lineage. It must be noted that this period of preparation for adulthood extends much longer for males than females. The additional Swazi stages for women (ingcugce and makoti) underscore the extreme importance placed on marriage and childbearing for Swazi women. A Swazi woman enters new stages when she is ready for marriage, marries, and becomes a mother. Thus, reproduction and motherhood become the primary roles for women.
Based on the anthropological literature, we can say that traditional Swazi society includes a period which we can define as adolescence if we employ Schlegel's (1998) biosocial conceptualization. She states that the biosocial definition of adolescence "derives from the observation that the human life cycle includes a period between childhood and adulthood during which its participants behave and are treated differently than either their seniors or their juniors" (p. 11). Her argument is that it is a stage whose primary purpose is to prepare individuals for their reproductive roles in society. While this seems applicable to traditional Swazi society, it is important to understand contemporary perceptions of this age group in Swaziland in order to comprehend societal expectations for these young people.
Contrary to Kuper's and Marwick's earlier studies, expectations for young people have changed as a result of Westernization and industrialization. There have been major modifications among this age group in terms of attitudes regarding sexual practices, due to the missionary influence and Western schooling (Booth, 2000). In 1997, 55 percent of males and 54 percent of females of high school age were enrolled in secondary school (UNICEF, 2001). While this represents just over half, the majority of children hope to attend secondary school, as it has become a prerequisite for gainful employment (Booth, 1983). Furthermore, the umcwasho and iNcwala ceremonies are voluntary and have seen a decrease in participation in recent years. Young, educated women in particular have begun to view the ritual "reed dance" as being backward, insofar as it emphasizes their traditional procreative and domestic roles (Booth, 1983).
Based on these recent societal changes, it may be that a more Western approach, incorporating training in social and professional skills which have not necessarily been part of the lijaha and lichikiza stages, is being taken. Consequently, in order to understand contemporary expectations for this age group, it is necessary to investigate present-day interpretations of "adolescence" in Swaziland, to the extent that such a concept exists.
METHOD
Student Sample
Interviews were conducted in 1998 with the parents of Swazi students who had been participating in a longitudinal study conducted in Swaziland from 1990 to 1998 (Booth, 1991, 1995, 1996, 1997, 2000). The original sample consisted of 80 Grade 1 students (45 females and 35 males), between the ages of 5 and 8 years (M = 6.5), from six rural schools distributed throughout Swaziland. The study followed the school progress and academic achievement of those students for nine years. All schools were visited by the researcher and a Swazi research assistant in 1990, 1994, and 1998. As a result of the high drop-out rate from school and several deaths, only 54 of the students (26 males and 28 females) remained in the school system in 1994.
In the final year of the study, the students, if they had continued through school on the proper trajectory, should have been in Form II (the second year of secondary school). In 1998, information gained from school records, interviews with students, or discussions with relatives and friends indicated that 42 students remained in the school system. Of these 42 students, 21 were males, constituting 60% of the original sample of boys, and 21 were females, or 47% of the original sample of girls. Information collected during 1998 revealed that only 11 (5 males, 6 females) of the original 80 students (14%) managed to continue through the school system at the proper rate and were located in Form II. Another 17 students (7 males, 10 females) were found in Form I; 5 students (1 male, 4 females) were in Grade 7; 7 students (6 males, 1 female) were in Grade 6; and 2 male students were in Grade 5. The students who remained in the sample in 1998 ranged in age from 13 to 16 years (M = 14.6, SD = .80).
Interviews
During each of the three principal phases of the study, the student, his/her teacher, and a parent or guardian were interviewed. The present study explores the parent interviews which took place in the home in 1998. Interviews were conducted in the language in which the parent(s) felt most comfortable, this being siSwati for the majority of these rural parents, whose average level of education was 4.8 years. A Swazi research assistant (a female undergraduate student from the University of Swaziland) conducted the interviews using a set list of questions. The primary researcher's comprehension of siSwati allowed her to follow the interviews, ask additional questions, and take notes which were later compared with the research assistant's records to check for accuracy.
The 1998 homestead interviews were comprehensive in their discussion of developments during the years since the researcher's last visit. While much information was gained regarding the family, homestead, and student, that part of the interview pertaining to the "adolescent status" of the student is the focus here. While some descriptive statistics were analyzed, the qualitative information gleaned from the interviews was most vital. This is the case in part because of the dwindling size of the sample. Of the 42 students remaining in 1998, only 29 of their parents (17 for male students and 12 for female students) were available for interviews (parents were often away or only a nonrelative guardian was available). The extended Swazi family leaves open the definition of who may constitute a make (mother) or babe (father). For this study, the definition of "parents" included stepparents, as Swaziland is a polygynous society and there may be many stepmothers in the home.
RESULTS
Parental Perceptions Regarding Childhood, Adolescence and Adulthood
As noted in the description of traditional Swazi beliefs regarding development, the siSwati language includes various terms for males and females (see Table 1). However, in contemporary society, one rarely hears these terms used when referring to a particular individual. Generally, one is referred to as either a child (umntfwana) or an adult (lokhulile). For children in particular, parents and teachers will utilize umfana for a boy and intfombatana for a girl. While umfundzi means "student," teachers will often utilize this term and umntfwana (child) interchangeably. During the first two phases of this longitudinal study (1990 and 1994), the participants were undeniably children, with average ages of approximately 6 and 10 years, respectively. Parents and teachers consistently referred to the students as children.
As formal education has become increasingly important to Swazi society, more students have remained in school longer than was the case during the colonial period (1903-1968). Consequently, the question becomes whether Western influences have modified traditional perceptions of childhood and adulthood. A second question is whether Swazi parents consider there to be a stage which we might refer to as adolescence. The following are the results of the discussions which took place with parents.
First, parents were asked about their offspring, "When you think of [name of student], do you think of him/her as still a child or do you think of him/her as an adult?" Of the 29 parents interviewed, 21 (72%) believed that the student was still a child, while only 8 (28%) now viewed him/her as an adult. There was no correlation between the actual age of the student and parental perspective on child/adult status. This is not surprising insofar as the Swazi traditionally have not held the actual age of a person to be vitally important. Evidence of this was revealed during the first year of the longitudinal research (1990), when it was necessary to verify the age of the Grade i students entering the study. The students themselves were often uncertain as to their exact age, and during homestead visits parents often needed to retrieve their child's birth certificate (Booth, 1991, 1995).
On the other hand, a strong correlation was found between parental view of their female offspring, but not male offspring, as adults (r = .58, p < .01). Interestingly, 16 of the 21 labeled "children" were males and only 5 were females, while 7 of the 8 labeled "adults" were females. In terms of percentages for each gender, 58% of the females, but only 6% of the males, were looked upon by their parents as now being adults. Even with such a small sample size, chi-square analysis revealed this difference in parental perceptions of males and females to be statistically significant, [chi square](1, N = 29) = 9.68, p < .01.
Most important for this type of study, parents were then asked to give reasons for their answers. The types of justifications for their classifications revealed a great deal regarding parental perceptions. The largest percentage (46%) cited the individual's behavior; 21% attributed their offspring's stage to physical change; 18% of the responses had to do with "listening to parents" and being respectful of them; 11% related their child/adult classification to "work patterns"; and only 4% cited actual age. Examples of reasons given by parents for categorizing their offspring as children or adults are presented in Table 2.
Following the discussion of the child/adult status of their offspring, the primary researcher defined the English term "adolescent" for the Swazi parents as a word commonly used in the United States to describe individuals of the age group of your child because we think it is a separate time period when one is no longer a child but not really yet an adult; they are still learning to be an adult. Parents were then asked if they agreed with this concept. If they did agree, they were then asked if they would now think of classifying their offspring as an adolescent or keep their original classification (child or adult). Interestingly, only 3 of the 29 parents did not agree with the concept of adolescence (see Table 3). Those who did not argued that an individual is a child and then an adult. Of the 26 parents agreeing with the concept of adolescence, 18 wanted to label their offspring as an adolescent, while the other 8 kept their original label (7 of those 8 had originally classified their offspring as a child). Notably, 7 of the 8 parents who originally classified their offspring as an adult changed their label to adolescent, and these 7 were all speaking of daughters.
Gender Differences
After the discussion concerning their particular offspring, the parents and researcher had a general conversation regarding adulthood. Parental interviews always included a woman (mother, stepmother, and/or grandmother); however, only 6 conversations included a father or grandfather. Parents were asked, "What important characteristics are needed for a person to be considered an adult; specifically, what constitutes a 'man' or a 'woman'?" They were also asked to think back to when they were younger and try to define when they thought they had actually became an adult and why. While these conversations helped to explain the gender differences in the labeling of their children, they also helped to clarify traditional Swazi beliefs regarding life-span development.
In 13 of the 29 conversations (45%), parents indicated physical development to be an important part of the transition to adulthood. Of these 13 parents, 7 (24% of the total) indicated that it was the only measure of becoming an adult. By and large, when any of the parents (male or female) discussed physical development, they referred to the importance of menstruation for females. Once a female begins to menstruate, they indicated, she is an adult. However, only 4 individuals mentioned physical development as being vitally important for males. In this case, it was a more holistic description; males were adults when they had reached their maximum height, were strong, had a deep voice, and even had "body odor."
Physical maturation (specifically sexual development) was also important for female parents when discussing their own entrance into adulthood. While 10 specifically mentioned beginning menstruation as their entrance into adulthood, another 6 indicated that adulthood began when they "became pregnant" or "took on a lover." Thus, a total of 16 (55%) of the women associated their own adulthood with reproductive capabilities. Of the men, one said he became an adult when he first realized that he felt like he "needed a woman." All of the other men stated that their own adulthood was related to their ability to take on responsibilities and live independently.
The emphasis on female sexual maturation (menarche) prompted the researcher to ask, at the end of the final few interviews, whether a male (boy) could, similar to a female, be considered an adult if he were physically capable of fathering a child. Invariably, this question produced laughter, followed by the response, "of course not."
Parents were then asked to confirm that if a female in secondary school became pregnant, she would now be considered an adult, but conversely if a male secondary school student fathered her child, he would not be considered an adult. Again, the response was invariably "of course not," with the rationale being that the male secondary school student would not be capable of supporting that child. Unless he left school in order to find a job and create a homestead independent of his family, he would not yet be considered an adult. Furthermore, parents were reluctant even to discuss this sort of situation because they stated that it rarely occurs. They insisted that high school girls who get pregnant generally do so as a result of relationships with older men, including teachers. However, it should be noted that the Swazi research assistant, a university student, found herself unable to remain quiet regarding this issue. After leaving the interviews, she indicated that "parents today do not know what is going on." She said that unlike the time when these parents were young, more boys and girls attend secondary school today, and therefore these relationships happen. She noted that when they do happen, the girl is expelled from school and sent home to have her baby, while the boy is not forced to take any responsibility.
There is evidence supporting the research assistant's opinions regarding sexual relations. McLean (1995) reported that, in a sample of 202 Swazi high school students, 57.5% of the males and 68.4% of the females indicated they began having sexual intercourse at or before age 16. Furthermore, two recent pronouncements by the king of Swaziland reveal the extremely patriarchal attitude still prevailing regarding youthful sexual relations. King Mswati III announced an order forbidding high school girls from wearing miniskirts, blaming the skirts for enticing men and high school boys into raping them (LeRoux, 2001; Cauvin, 2001). This, together with the recent ban on sexual activity among young females for five years, constitutes part of the king's plan for slowing the spread of HIV, which presently has spread to approximately 25% of the adults in Swaziland (Cauvin, 2001). According to Sizakele Shongwe of the Fundza Centre (an AIDS education organization), "Men won't take responsibility for their bodies, so they're trying to control ours" (Le Roux, 2001). However, whether the king bans it or not, according to administrators at St. Mark's High School in the capital, "students are having sex, and the ones who want to will not be dissuaded" (Cauvin, 2001). Consequently, parents' notions that high school girls, but not high school boys, are sexually active no longer apply.
The Importance of Behavior
While many parents described girls' entry into adulthood as sudden, largely as a result of physical maturation (menarche), most also recognized the importance of behavioral and attitudinal changes which take place during this period. Furthermore, parents suggested that these changes do not happen overnight; rather, it takes time for youths to learn, practice, and demonstrate competent adult behavior. Regarding characteristics necessary to become an adult, 21 (72%) stated at some point in the discussion that emotional maturity, responsibility, independence, and the ability to complete work without assistance were necessary. While 7 also mentioned physical maturity, they emphasized that behavioral characteristics were vital for adult status. Responses relating to behavior and attitude included the following: "when someone is able to take care of himself/herself better"; "when you are responsible and are able to differentiate between what is right and wrong"; "the way a person acts--if they are able to keep their room or place tidy"; "the way people start doing things--if they can do work without telling them"; "a person will just do what they are supposed to do without being told"; "you are able to speak your mind and offer opinions."
One mother's response may reveal the essence of the Swazi concept of development during this period of life. She stated, "Only the first stage of becoming an adult is menstruation. Then you learn and learn and learn. And by the time you are 30, you know how to differentiate between what is right and wrong and then you are an adult." This seems to summarize many of the parental responses. This mother, along with many of the other Swazi parents, recognized that biological maturation is an important step in the process of becoming an adult, but it is only one step. Cognitive maturity and going through the process of learning adult behaviors are also necessary. Thus, in the eyes of these Swazi parents, there is a distinct period of time between childhood and adulthood during which one learns to be an adult. As Swaziland remains a highly patriarchal, patrilineal society, adult roles remain gender-determined, emphasizing motherhood and domesticity for women and being the breadwinner of the family for men.
DISCUSSION
We have several paradoxes in regard to adolescence in Swaziland. First, while parents seem to agree with the concept of adolescence as a developmental period, many of them, especially women, define adulthood as beginning with physical changes such as menarche. Yet traditionally in the West, the early stages of adolescence have been thought to involve the physical maturational changes associated with puberty. Further, while for many Swazi women menstruation, with its reproductive significance, symbolizes the beginning of adulthood, the men tend to view adulthood as a stage in life which begins later, associating it with family responsibilities and financial independence.
These paradoxes regarding the existence of adolescence and the initiation into adulthood can be explained, in part, by returning to the traditional stages of growth within Swazi culture. Where a male experiences a single stage (lijaha) between the ages of 17 and 27, which we could call his "adolescence," a woman goes through three distinct stages during similar years, each one taking her to a higher level of "womanhood." The physical changes which happen for a female (generally two years earlier than for a male) propel her into a new developmental period. While mothers remembered this as the "beginning of [their] adulthood," they indicated that behavioral changes are also important. Thus we can conclude that puberty may change a girl into a woman physically, but extra stages (ingcugce and makoti) are required to help her make the behavioral and attitudinal changes needed to be a full adult.
For males, physical changes are not equated with adulthood, and therefore they are not forced to think of themselves in adult-like ways until they are independent and responsible for themselves and their own families. This contemporary thinking also mirrors the traditional view that males enjoy a much longer period of "seeking lovers" and learning their adult roles. That males learn how to be adults during one long developmental stage (lijaha), in relation to the female three-stage process, indicates an acceptance of an extended period of time during which they are permitted to continue to behave in somewhat "adolescent" ways.
In conclusion, while the term "adolescent" is not traditionally used in Swaziland to refer to young people, it is apparent that the Swazi people do have, and have always had, a developmental stage which, as Schlegel (1998) defines it, "includes a period between childhood and adulthood during which its participants behave and are treated differently than either their seniors or their juniors" (p. 11). In other words, they have a period of adolescence. Furthermore, in line with Schlegel's biosocial theory, this middle developmental period in Swaziland traditionally has had as its primary focus the preparation for one's reproductive role in society. It is also the case that Western institutions, in particular Western schooling, have greatly influenced the social structure, gender roles, and need for higher education within Swaziland, in turn influencing perceptions of this middle developmental period. While preparing for motherhood and fatherhood is still important, the Swazi youth of today is becoming more similar to the American adolescent in his/her exploration of, and preparation for, a professional career, and response to other social expectations which were not present a century ago. Consequently, in order to become an adult, today's Swazi adolescent undeniably does have to, as one mother indicated, "learn and learn and learn."
Table 1
Traditional Stages of Growth for Swazi Males
and Females (Adapted from Kuper, 1947)
Stages of Growth for Males
Age Swazi Activities/
(approx.) Name Ritual
3 months Luswane Kept in hut.
3rd year Umntfwana Taught to walk
or ingane and talk.
Weaned.
Until 8 Umfana Plays. Herds
goats. Ears
cut.
8-17 Lijele Herds cattle.
17-27 Lijaha or Seeks lovers.
libungu Fighter/hunter.
27-60 Indvodza Married man.
On councils/
has many
responsibilities.
Over 60 Lichegu or Grandfather.
umhlaba Works less.
Stages of Growth for Females
Age Swazi Activities/
(approx.) Name Ritual
3 months Luswane Kept in hut.
3rd year Umntfwana Taught to walk
or ingane and talk.
Weaned.
Until 8 Sidzanzane Plays. Helps
mother. Ears
cut.
8-15 Litshitshane Helps in home
and field.
15-17 Lichikiza Has a lover.
Knows a
woman's job.
17-21 Ingcugce Ready for
marriage.
21-24 Makoti or Wife in
umlobokati husband's
home.
24-55 Umfati Wife and
mother.
55-65 Isalukati Grandmother.
Works less.
Over 65 Umhlaba or No work.
lidloti Treated with
respect.
Table 2
Examples of Reasons Given by Parents for Categorizing Their
Offspring as a Child or an Adult
Gender/Category Category and Representative Quotes
Individual's Behavior
Male/child He's still a child; even though he is in Form II,
he still acts like a child.
Male/child He still always sleeps here at home, and I never
see him smoking.
He also still respects the gogo (grandmother) like
someone should if still a child.
Male/child He does everything like a child. He still likes to
play like a child.
Male/child He still likes playing like a child and if he does
wrong, I can still beat him.
Female/child By the way she does things, I can tell she is
still a child.
Female/child She still acts like a child.
Male/adult He acts like an adult. He doesn't play with young
children any more; he beats them instead.
Physical Changes Apparent
Female/adult She has started menstruation. She is able to be a
mother, so she is an adult.
Female/adult Her physical changes have made her an adult. She
just looks like an adult.
Female/adult She has started menstruation. She is in high
school, and in high school you are an adult
because you can physically have children.
Listening to Parents
Male/child He still listens to me when I send him somewhere.
He still obeys me.
Female/child She does whatever you tell her to do.
Work Pattern
Female/adult She is now able to work very hard at home. She can
pull a wheelbarrow and she can collect a lot of
wood.
Female/adult She is able to do all the adult jobs now -- all
the adult chores.
Age in Years
Male/child He is still under 18 years old, so he's still a
child. If he were 18, he could get a job and help
support the family. Then he would be an
adult.
Table 3
Parents' Attitudes Regarding the Concept of Adolescence
Agreed with
Agreed with Concept and
Original Labeling Concept but Did Changed Label
of Offspring Not Change Label to Adolescent
Child n 7 11
% of child category 33.3% 52.4%
% of total 24.1% 37.9%
Adult n 1 7
% of adult category 12.5% 87.5%
% of total 3.4% 24.1%
Total n 8 18
% of total 27.6% 62.1%
Original Labeling Did Not Agree
of Offspring with Concept Total
Child n 3 21
% of child category 14.3% 100%
% of total 10.3% 72.4%
Adult n 0 8
% of adult category 0% 100%
% of total 0% 27.6%
Total n 3 29
% of total 10.3% 100%
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This study was supported by a grant from the Spencer Foundation. The author is grateful to Nomthandazo Shongwe for her assistance with homestead interviews in Swaziland.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Margaret Zoller Booth, Educational Foundations and Inquiry Program, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio 43403. E-mail: boothmz@bgnet.bgsu.edu
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