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The corruption of democracy in Venezuela: under Pres. Hugo Chavez's regime the last nine years, corruption has reached heights undreamed of by even the greediest of despots, as the people of Venezuela have been fleeced out of billions of dollars
USA Today (Society for the Advancement of Education), March, 2008 by Gustavo Coronel
Promises vs. reality
Chavez's record shows a significant gap between his promises to end corruption and the current reality. Immense amounts of money belonging to the Venezuelan people have been misused in furthering an anti-U.S, alliance in the Western Hemisphere and beyond. Five countries of the region--Mexico, Peru, Argentina, Paraguay, and Chile--have expelled Chavez's ambassadors for interfering in the internal political processes of their countries. Chavez's policies have promoted corruption rather than combating it. The concentration of power in his hands and the lack of institutional checks and balances have led to a total absence of accountability and transparency in the government. Although corrupt bureaucrats have been identified, none have been punished. Not one single person is in prison in Venezuela for corruption. At most, some have lost their jobs, while retaining their bounties.
It seems clear that no meaningful victory against corruption can be won in Venezuela while the Chavez government is in power. Only a democratic government, fully accountable to the people, and fully transparent, will be able to minimize this malady. This is why the Venezuelan lovers of freedom and democracy are in for the fight of their lives and, thankfully, seem to be making real progress. Chavez's pretensions of becoming dictator for life came to an end on Dec. 2, 2007, when a constitutional reform that would have made him president for life was defeated. He still is president, but is starting to look more and more like a paper tiger.
Gustavo Coronel, as president of Agrupacion Pro Calidad de Vida, was the Venezuelan representative to Transparency International from 1996-2000. He was a member of the board of directors of Petroleos de Venezuela from 1976-79. This article is adapted from a policy paper written for the Cato Institute, Washington, D.C.
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