America breaks free: "this nation," declared Benjamin Franklin, "was established in spite of [any number of] obstacles, with an expedition, energy, wisdom, and success which the whole history of human affairs has not, hitherto, given an example."

Mark Skousen

Congress and the Declaration of Independence, 1775-76. I found at my arrival all America, from one end of the 13 united provinces to the other, busily learning the use of arms, all trade and business being at a stand. The attack upon the country people near Boston, where without the least necessity, they barbarously plundered and burnt a fine, undefended town, had rous'd everybody, and exasperated the whole continent; the tradesmen of Philadelphia were in the field twice a day, at five in the morning and six in the afternoon, disciplining with the utmost diligence, all being volunteers. The same spirit appeared everywhere and the unanimity was amazing.

A delegate to Congress. I was unanimously chosen by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania as a delegate for the Continental Congress. We were directed to consult on the alarming situation in the colonies and recommend further measures of obtaining redress of American grievances with Great Britain. We met at nine in the morning, and often sat till four. I was also appointed to the Committee of Safety, which met at six in the morning. There was not a dissenting voice among us in any resolution for defense, and our Army, which was already formed, would soon consist of above 20,000 men.

With difficulty we carried another humble petition to the Crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity of recovering the friendship of the colonies, which she did not have sense enough to embrace, and thus had lost forever. As Britain began to use force, it seemed absolutely necessary that we should be prepared to repel force with force. We were preparing and determined to run all risks rather than comply with her mad demands. The defeat of a great body of the King's troops by the country people at Lexington, and the action at Bunker's Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, was enough to convince the ministers that the Americans can fight.

you are now my enemy, and I am ... Yours. I addressed (but never sent) the following letter to Mr. Strahan:

Philada. July 5, 1775

Mr. Strahan,

You are a member of Parliament, and one of that majority which has doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. Look upon your hands! They are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends: You are now my enemy, and

I am,

Yours,

B FRANKLIN

If a temperament naturally cool and phlegmatic can, in old age, be thus heated, you will judge by that of the general temper in America, which was little short of madness.

We gave up our commerce with Britain, and in our minds we gave up our sea coast to the barbarous ravages of English ships of war; but the internal country we promised to defend. It was, with our liberties, worth defending, and would itself by its fertility enable us to defend it.

Great frugality and industry became fashionable: Gentlemen who used to entertain with two or three courses began treating with simple beef and pudding. Our savings in the article of trade ,amounted to nearly five million sterling per annum. The Congress voted me 1,000 dollars per annum as Postmaster General, and I devoted the whole sum to the assistance of the disabled in defense of their country, that I might not be suspected of having the least interested motive for keeping the breach open. By these means, we were better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops.

The Rattlesnake as a symbol of America: "Don't tread on me." I observed on one of the drums belonging to the Marines a painted rattlesnake, with this modest motto, "Don't tread on me." It occurred to me that the rattlesnake, being found in no other quarter of the world besides America, might be chosen to represent her. As I ran over in my mind every property by which she was distinguished, I recollected that her eye excels in brightness and that she has no eye-lids. She may therefore be esteemed an emblem of vigilance. She never begins an attack, nor, when once engaged, ever surrenders; she is therefore an emblem of magnanimity and true courage. The weapons with which nature has furnished her she conceals in the roof of her mouth so that she appears a most defenseless animal; even when those weapons are extended for her defense, they appear weak and contemptible. But their wounds are decisive and fatal. She never wounds till she has generously given notice, and cautioned against the danger of treading on her. I counted

Benjamin Franklin's celebrated autobiography, published after his death, had remained incomplete for more than 200 years--until now. Franklin ended his life story in 1757, when he was 51. He lived another 33, eventful years, during which time he played a vital and historic role in the formation of the U.S. In celebration of the 300th anniversary of his birth, Franklin descendant Mark Skousen painstakingly has gone through the Founding Father's personal papers to produce the rest of the story--in Franklin's own words. What follows is a fascinating account of the Revolutionary" War and its aftermath.

the rattles and found them just thirteen, exactly the number of the colonies united in America; this is the only part of the snake that increases in numbers.

'Tis amazing to observe how distinct and independent the rattles are, and yet how firmly they are united together, so as never to be separated but by breaking them to pieces. One of those rattles singly is incapable of producing sound, but the ringing of thirteen together is sufficient to alarm the boldest man living. The rattlesnake is solitary except when association is necessary for preservation. In winter, the warmth of a number together will preserve their lives, while singly they would probably perish.

This bustle is unsuitable to age. Under the fatigue of so much business I had scarcely time to eat or sleep. I was 10 or 12 hours of the day employ'd in business or consultation, sitting in a closed room, and had no leisure for exercise. Such bustle was unsuitable to my age. That winter I promised myself some relaxation with my family. I wrote Rev. Shipley how happy I was in the sweet retirement of Twyford, where my only business was a little scribbling in the garden study, writing my memoirs, and my pleasure of conversation with the Reverend and his amiable family!

I was for the most prudent parsimony. In October 1775, I travelled with two other delegates of the Congress to Cambridge to confer with General Washington on sundry matters. The General requested that money be constantly and regularly sent. It was very difficult to keep soldiers under proper discipline without paying them regularly. I was for the most prudent parsimony of the public treasury, but I was not terrified by the expense of this war. A little more frugality, or a little more industry would defray it. If 500,000 families would each spend a shilling a week less, or earn a shilling a week more, they would pay the whole sum without otherwise feeling it. For-beating to drink tea would save three fourths of the money.

Common Sense, a masterly and irresistible case for independence. In early 1776, I received a now famous pamphlet by Thomas Paine called Common Sense, which made a masterly and irresistible case for independence. The ancient Roman and Greek orators could only speak to the number of citizens capable of being assembled within the reach of their voice: their writings had little effect because the bulk of the people could not read. Now, by the press, we can speak to nations: and good books and well written pamphlets have great and general influence. The facility with which the same truths may be repeatedly enforced by placing them daily in newspapers gives a greater chance of establishing them. We found that it was not only right to strike while the iron was hot, but that it was very practicable to heat it by continually striking. I always valu'd Mr. Paine's friendship and valued myself on being the introducer into America of so useful and valuable a citizen.

From the Pennsylvania Assembly to Congress. Aged as I was, I felt myself unequal to so much business, and thought it my duty to decline part of it. I therefore requested that the Pennsylvania Assembly dispense my further attendance as one of the Committee of Safety, tho' remaining a delegate to Congress. In Congress, I was made a member of the Committee of Secret Correspondence. We immediately appointed Mr. Silas Deane to go to France to transact business, commercial and political, on behalf of the thirteen united colonies, and to meet with individuals friendly to our cause. Mr. Deane would appear in the character of a merchant and make immediate application to Monsieur de Vergennes, Minister des Affairs Etrangeres, and then acquaint him that the Congress, finding that it was not practicable for the continent of America to furnish the arms and ammunition necessary for its defense, had dispatched Mr. Deane to apply to France for a supply.

A trip to Canada. The Committee then reported that they had conferr'd with a person just arriv'd from Canada. He said that when the Canadians first heard of the dispute they were generally on the American side: but by the influence of the Clergy and the Noblesse, who had been continually preaching and persuading them against America, they were brought into a state of uncertainty as to which side to follow. He thought it would be a great service if some persons from the Congress were sent to Canada, and the Congress thereby appointed three commissioners to go to Canada, of which number I was honoured to be one, along with Charles Carroll and Samuel Chase. Our purpose was to convince them of the uprightness of our intentions, and that the people of Canada should set up such a form of government to produce their happiness. It was our earnest desire to adopt them into our union as a sister colony. We set out the week of March 11 to Canada by way of New York, a journey of 500 miles. We were detain'd in Saratoga by the lakes in which the unthaw'd ice obstructed navigation, which caused me a fatigue that at my time of life proved almost too much for me. We were in a small open boat, where I was kept sitting without exercise for many days.

After some difficulty and delay in getting thro' the ice of Lake George, we arrived in Montreal in late April, and were very politely received by General Benedict Arnold, who commanded the post. The smallpox was in the army, and General Thomas had unfortunately never had it. It is impossible to give a just idea of the lowness of the Continental credit there from the want of hard money, and the prejudice it was to our affairs. Not the most trifling service could be procured without an assurance of instant pay in silver or gold. The inhabitants had experienced frequent breaches of promise and were determined to trust our people no further. The general apprehension was that we would be driven out of the province as soon as the King's troops arrived. We urged the forwarding of a large sum to Canada (we believed twenty thousand pounds would be necessary); otherwise it would be impossible to continue the war in this country, or to expect the continuance of our interest with the people there, who began to consider the Congress as bankrupt as their cause was desperate. I advanced to General Arnold and others 353 [pounds sterling] in gold out of my own pocket on the credit of Congress, which was of great service in procuring provisions for our army, but we concluded that till the arrival of more money, it seemed improper to propose the federal union of this province with the others, as the few friends we had there would scarce venture to exert themselves in promoting it till they saw our credit recover'd, and a sufficient army arrived to secure the possession of the country. We reported that without a speedy supply of money, our forces would suffer exceedingly from the want of many necessaries, particularly flour. It was very difficult to keep soldiers under proper discipline without paying them regularly. We recommended that if hard money could not be procured and forwarded with dispatch to Canada, it would be advisable to withdraw our army and fortify the passes on the lakes to prevent the enemy, and the Canadians, if so inclined, from making irruptions into our frontiers.

We also learned that the army was entirely without surgeons. We had daily intimations of plots hatching and insurrections intended for expelling us on the first news of the arrival of a British army. We were in a critical and most irksome situation, pestered hourly with demands great and small that we could not answer, in a place where our cause had the majority of enemies, the garrison weak, and a greater [demand] would, without money, increase our difficulties. Forwarding provisions was the absolute necessity, or the army must starve, plunder, or surrender.

On the 10th of May, five ships of war arrived from Quebec, with an enemy of less than a thousand. Our forces were so dispersed that no more than two hundred could be collected at headquarters. In this situation a retreat was inevitable and made in the utmost confusion with the loss of our cannon on the batteries, provisions, five hundred stand of small arms, and a batteau load of powder.

Two days later I took leave of the other two commissioners to return home, having grown daily more feeble, with symptoms of the gout. I was afflicted with a succession of boils, sometimes two or three together, each when heal'd left round about it spots of scurff, which obstinately continu'd. I could hardly have got along but for Mr. Carroll's friendly assistance and tender care of me. It was with the utmost difficulty I got a conveyance, the country being all afraid to be known to assist us with carriages, but I arrived in New York sale on the evening of May 26.

We were obliged to quit Canada, being too much of a bold thing to block up Quebec a whole winter with an army much inferior in numbers to the garrison, and our troops sent too late to support them, or having had the smallpox, being much disabled by that distemper. I arrived home in Philadelphia, recovering from a severe fit of the gout, which kept me from Congress and company for a month, so I knew little of what had passed there.

It is the natural right of men to quit the state. In June, I was asked to assist in the preparing of a Declaration of Independence for a final separation from Great Britain. It had always been my opinion that it is the natural fight of men to quit the society, state, or country in which they were born, and either join with another or form a new one as they may think proper. The Saxons thought they had this fight when they quitted Germany and established themselves in England. I wrote a draft of a resolution to Congress along these lines in late 1775, viz.:

Whereas, whenever kings, instead of protecting the lives and property of their subjects, as is their bounded duty, do endeavour to perpetrate the destruction of either, they thereby cease to be kings, become tyrants, and dissolve all ties of allegiance between themselves and their people; we hereby further solemnly declare, that whenever it shall appear clearly to us, that the King's troops and ships now in America, or hereafter to be brought there, do, by his Majesty's orders, destroy any town or the inhabitants of any town or place in America, or that the savages have been by the same orders hired to assassinate our poor out-settlers and their families, we will from that time renounce all allegiance to Great Britain, so long as that kingdom shall submit to him, or any of his descendants, as its sovereign.

The Declaration of Independence: We hazard our lives and fortunes. While recovering from boils and the gout, I was asked by Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration, to peruse his draft and suggest such alterations as necessary. I made some small revisions, striking the words "sacred and undeniable" and replacing them with "self evident" so as to read "We hold these truths to be self evident." However, when the Declaration of Independence was under the consideration of Congress, there were many more changes and depredations on the document, such as expressions on the Scotch and the importation of slaves, which gave offense to some members, and were disapproved. I was sitting by Mr. Jefferson and saw that he was not insensible to these mutilations. I told him that I had made it a rule, whenever in my power, to avoid becoming the draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body.

The Congress voted unanimously for final separation from Great Britain. It was the universal demand of the people, justly exasperated by the obstinate perseverance of the Crown in its tyrannical and destructive measures. We signed the Declaration of Independence, thereby hazarding our lives and fortunes, and then distributed the Declaration for public reading, and sent copies to France and other courts of Europe.

Breaking that fine and noble China vase, the British Empire. It was impossible to think of submission to a government that had, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenseless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, and brought foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear. Long had I endeavoured with unfeigned zeal, to preserve that fine and noble China vase, the British Empire: for I knew that once broken, a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce even be hoped for. I remember the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at his good sister's in London, Lord Richard Howe once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might take place. I had the misfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent.

Meeting with Lord Howe on Staten Island. Upon arrival in New York, Lord Howe contacted me to effect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries. In obedience to the order of Congress, I, along with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, had a meeting with Lord Howe upon Staten Island. His lordship entered into a discourse of considerable length which contained no explicit proposition of peace except that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government. Lord Howe informed us that he did not have powers to consider the colonies as independent states by their Declaration of Independency; that he could not confer with them as a Congress, their not being acknowledged by the King; and that his powers were generally to restore peace and grant pardons, and to attend to complaints and representations. I reply'd that America lamented that earlier petitions to the Crown had not been accepted. But the contempt with which those petitions were treated, and the creel measures since taken, had chang'd that temper; that to propose now to the colonies a submission to the Crown of Great Britain would be fruitless. The time was past. Lord Howe said that if the colonies would not give up the system of independency, it was impossible for him to enter into any negotiations.

Like cutting off the spring from the year. At this time, my grandson, Temple, who had been assisting me, proposed to go to his lather, William, then governor of New Jersey. As my son William adhered to the party of the King, his people had taken him prisoner, and sent him under a guard to Connecticut, where he was allow'd some miles to ride about, upon his parole of honour not to quit that country. Nothing has ever hurt me so much as to find myself deserted in my old age by my only son, William; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up arms against me in a cause where my good fame, fortune, and life were all at stake. William conceived, he said, that his duty to his King and regard for his country require'd this. I ought not to blame him for differing in sentiment with me in public affairs. We are men, all subject to errors. Our opinions are not in our power; they are form'd and govern'd much by circumstances that are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. His situation was such that few would have censured his remaining neutral, tho' there are natural duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extinguish'd by them. This is a disagreeable subject. I drop it.

It was long foreseen that we could not hold New York. The Declaration of Independence was met with universal approbation. The people everywhere seemed more animated by it in defense of their country. We had nearly 80,000 men in the pay of the Congress. General Washington's army was in possession of New York, but by August 1776, General William Howe had posted on Staten Island, with the troops he carried to Halifax when he was driven out of Boston. Lord Richard Howe arrived there with some reinforcements, including the Hessian mercenaries from Germany. The greater part of our militia were in New Jersey Arms and ammunitions were arriving daily, the French government having resolv'd to wink at the supplying of us, as they heartily wished us success.

The fleet under Lord Howe was vastly superior to anything we had. They landed 20,000 men on Long Island, and got a body of 5,000 men between our people and the lines, so that we were surrounded. General Howe then laid a trap, with which he fully expected to have caught every man we had on that island; but General Washington saw and frustrated his design by an unexpected and well conducted retreat across the Sound. This retreat was spoken of on both sides as a master stroke.

The only source of uneasiness among us arose from the number of Tories found in every state. They were more numerous than formerly and spoke more openly, very many from fear of the British force, some because they were dissatisfied with the general measures of Congress, more because they disapproved of the men in power and the measures in their respective states. If America had fallen, it would have been owing to such divisions more than to the force of our enemies.

Commissioner to France. In September, the Congress appointed me, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee commissioners of the United States of America to the King of France, to deliver a plan of a treaty with all speed. Our appointment on this business remained a profound secret. We believ'd that if France were to join us, America would soon be established an independent empire; and France, drawing those sources of wealth and power that formerly flowed into Great Britain, would immediately become the greatest power in Europe. We were instructed to obtain from the French a recognition of our independency and sovereignty: to conclude treaties of peace and commerce; to prevent their taking part with Great Britain in the war: and to procure from the Court of France an immediate supply of muskets, bayonets, ammunition, and battle ships.

Before my departure, I ordered all the money I could raise, upward of three thousand pounds, into the hands of Congress. I believe it was the first loan they received, and it encouraged others to lend their money in support of the cause. I had no doubt of our finally succeeding in this war by the blessing of God.

A miracle in human affairs. The whole of this business was a miracle in human affairs. If I had not been in the midst of it, and seen all the movements, I could not have comprehended it. Picture a whole people for some months without any laws or government at all. In this state, their civil governments were to be formed and an army and navy were to be provided by those who had neither a ship of war, a company of soldiers, nor magazines, arms, artillery, or ammunition. Alliances were to be formed, for we had none. All this was to be done, not at leisure nor in a time of tranquility and communication with other nations, but in the face of a most formidable invasion, by the most powerful nation, fully provided with armies, fleets, and all the instruments of destruction, powerfully allied and aided. Nor was this all; they had internal opposition to encounter, which alone would seem sufficient to have frustrated all their efforts.

This nation was established in spite of all these obstacles, with an expedition, energy, wisdom, and success which the whole history of human affairs has not, hitherto, given an example. The revolution was not directed by the leaders of factions, but by the opinion and voice of the people. The grounds and principles upon which it was formed were known, weighed, and approved by every individual of that majority. It was not a tumultuous resolution, but a deliberate system. Consequently, the feebleness, irresolution, and inaction which generally--nay, almost invariably--attends and frustrates hasty popular proceedings, did not influence this. On the contrary, every man gave his assistance to execute what he had soberly determined, and the sense of the magnitude and danger of the undertaking served only to quicken their activity and animate their exertions. The effects of anarchy were prevented by the influence of public shame, pursuing the man who offered to take a dishonest advantage of the want of law. One gentleman gave his opinion that the people were likely to find out that laws were not necessary, and might therefore be disposed to reject what they proposed, if it were delayed.

The greatest revolution the world has ever seen. In a few months, governments were established and codes of law were formed, which were the admiration of all the wise and thinking men of Europe. Ships of war were built and a multitude of cruisers fitted out, which did more injury to the British commerce than it ever suffered before.

Armies of offense and defense were formed, and kept the field in the most rigorous climate. Repeated losses, inevitable in a defensive war, were quickly repaired. The enemy was everywhere resisted, repulsed, or besieged. On the ocean, in the channel, in their very ports, their ships were taken, and their commerce obstructed.

This is the greatest revolution the world has ever seen. The power that has for centuries made all Europe tremble, assisted by 20,000 German mercenaries, was humbled by those whom she insulted and injured, because she conceived they had neither spirit nor power to resist or revenge it.

We may therefore with great propriety take leave of England. I wished much for the restoration of peace, but it now was to be a peace of a different kind. I was fond to a folly of our British connection, and it was with infinite regret that I saw the necessity of breaking it: But the extreme cruelty with which we had been treated extinguish'd every thought of returning to it, and separated us forever. England thereby lost limbs that will never grow again. We too suffered greatly, but our losses would soon be repair'd by our good government, our industry, and the fertility of our country.

Mark Skousen, Benjamin Franklin's eighth-generation grandson, is a professional economist, financial advisor, university professor, and author. This article is adapted from a chapter in his latest book, The Completed Autobiography by Benjamin Franklin.

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