America breaks free: "this nation," declared Benjamin Franklin, "was established in spite of [any number of] obstacles, with an expedition, energy, wisdom, and success which the whole history of human affairs has not, hitherto, given an example."

The Declaration of Independence: We hazard our lives and fortunes. While recovering from boils and the gout, I was asked by Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration, to peruse his draft and suggest such alterations as necessary. I made some small revisions, striking the words "sacred and undeniable" and replacing them with "self evident" so as to read "We hold these truths to be self evident." However, when the Declaration of Independence was under the consideration of Congress, there were many more changes and depredations on the document, such as expressions on the Scotch and the importation of slaves, which gave offense to some members, and were disapproved. I was sitting by Mr. Jefferson and saw that he was not insensible to these mutilations. I told him that I had made it a rule, whenever in my power, to avoid becoming the draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body.

The Congress voted unanimously for final separation from Great Britain. It was the universal demand of the people, justly exasperated by the obstinate perseverance of the Crown in its tyrannical and destructive measures. We signed the Declaration of Independence, thereby hazarding our lives and fortunes, and then distributed the Declaration for public reading, and sent copies to France and other courts of Europe.

Breaking that fine and noble China vase, the British Empire. It was impossible to think of submission to a government that had, with the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenseless towns in the midst of winter, excited the savages to massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters, and brought foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious injuries extinguished every remaining spark of affection for that parent country we once held so dear. Long had I endeavoured with unfeigned zeal, to preserve that fine and noble China vase, the British Empire: for I knew that once broken, a perfect reunion of those parts could scarce even be hoped for. I remember the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at his good sister's in London, Lord Richard Howe once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might take place. I had the misfortune to find those expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent.

Meeting with Lord Howe on Staten Island. Upon arrival in New York, Lord Howe contacted me to effect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries. In obedience to the order of Congress, I, along with John Adams and Edward Rutledge, had a meeting with Lord Howe upon Staten Island. His lordship entered into a discourse of considerable length which contained no explicit proposition of peace except that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government. Lord Howe informed us that he did not have powers to consider the colonies as independent states by their Declaration of Independency; that he could not confer with them as a Congress, their not being acknowledged by the King; and that his powers were generally to restore peace and grant pardons, and to attend to complaints and representations. I reply'd that America lamented that earlier petitions to the Crown had not been accepted. But the contempt with which those petitions were treated, and the creel measures since taken, had chang'd that temper; that to propose now to the colonies a submission to the Crown of Great Britain would be fruitless. The time was past. Lord Howe said that if the colonies would not give up the system of independency, it was impossible for him to enter into any negotiations.