Theologies of the Old Testament - Book Review

Roland E. Murphy

Erhard S. Gerstenberger, THEOLOGIEN IM ALTEN TESTAMENT PLURALITAT UND SYNKRETISMUS ALTTESTAMENTLICHEN GOTTESGLAUBENS. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2001. Erhard S. Gerstenberger, THEOLOGIES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. PLURALISM AND SYNCRETISM IN ANCIENT ISRAEL'S FAITH. Translated by John Bowden. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 2002. Cloth, $30.00.

The title expresses what is now a common view, that there is no biblical theology as a unified corpus, but there are biblical theologies that depend on the construal of the particular theologian, such as G. von Rad or others. The author, Erhard Gerstenberger, is well known in the U.S.A. for his form-critical studies of the psalms (1988/2001). At present he is emeritus professor from the University of Marburg. His strong positions on social questions have been nourished by many years of teaching in Brazil, where he witnessed the struggle of the poor and marginalized.

The subtitle indicates particular perspectives on Old Testament faith: the growth of the "Yahweh alone" movement and the vital syncretism that marked the pre-exilic period. This book concentrates on the understanding of God as it emerges in a social history that can be reconstructed from the literary sources. Gerstenberger is not satisfied with a uniform statement of Old Testament faith, most obvious in the traditions that were synthesized in the post-exilic period. These are primarily theological summaries (e.g., the Torah, Deuteronomist, Chronicler). Rather, he asks, what can we learn from the daily religious experiences of people as family expanded to tribe, to monarchy, and beyond? What ideas of God (goddesses, etc.) did they have? We know the views that became official, but what can be said about the "theology" of the average Israelite?

This review was based on the original publication (Gerstenberger 2001), and quotations are my translation. In the meantime, an English translation has appeared (Gerstenberger 2002). Hence the page references are given for both the German original and the corresponding English version.

The study is clearly organized. A sketch of the social history of Israel divides the experience of the people into several phases: (1) family and group (Sippe), (2) village and settlement, (3) tribal units, (4) the monarchy, and (5) the post-exilic communities. Each phase is described in the following chapters in which certain emphases reappear: cultic life, ethos or ethics, and especially the ideas about God. Over the course of time changes occur; there are differences between the religious views of the tribes and those of the kingdoms, between the original independence of the family and life in a more communal setting within a village. These phases are not to be undersood primarily as successive. Characteristics of the family will assert themselves in later phases. Understandably, more detail is provided for the monarchy and for the post-exilic communities. Is there enough pertinent material in the Bible to document these phases? On the one hand, G. freely and often admits that his analysis is a reconstruction. This is inevitable, and a reader may be ill at ease at the scarcity of evidence that underlies many of these reconstructions. On the other hand, one can only admire the clever and imaginative treatment of the biblical texts from which G. teases out real living conditions, especially with the aid of archaeological data. Moreover he makes frequent and telling references to our current situations that are contrary to biblical values. We will discuss each phase and finally offer a critique.

Family

A reconstruction of the religious understanding reflected in families is difficult to achieve. No one in the family, even the patriarch, articulates a "theology." Yet it is possible to approach this problem in an oblique manner. The basic needs of a family are obvious: food, housing, and peace. These are day to day needs, to be met without the vast array of organizations that are supplied in most modern states. In the ancient world the spirit of the family is communal, not individual. All work together for survival against known and unknown hostile powers. The family stands under the protection of a personal divinity, the "god of the fathers." People had recourse to this personal God, especially for sickness, and often with the help of homemade remedies or religious aid (Elisha, "a man of God," and the Shunamite in 1 Kings 4:9). The existence of the teraphim, or cult objects (Rachel, Michal) is an indication of family worship that is indirectly shown by the discovery of hundreds of figurines (mostly female). These must have figured largely as fertility goddesses. All the rites de passage, birth, puberty, marriage, and death gave occasion for liturgical celebration, in which divine protection was surely invoked.

Gerstenberger postulates a "liturgical corner" in the house, which was a focus of religious worship (p. 44). The closeness of the family god is reflected in the visit to Abraham (Gen 18:1-15) and in the care for Hagar (Gen 16:7-13). G. goes so far as to judge the common description of divine mercy and compassion ("merciful and gracious, slow to anger," Ps 103:8-13; Exod 34:6; etc.) as reflecting family tradition about the divinity. He contrasts this with the rigid formality of bureaucratic authority, which praises the "good" king Josiah but judges him from a collective point of view (2Kgs 23:25-27). Family religion lives on anthropomorphic descriptions of God, which contrast with typically heavy theological descriptions. God is near but also distant, one who loves but also hates, who is almighty and all knowing and just, but also allows injustice to prevail. Indeed, G. puts the experiential wisdom of family groups on the same level as Moses and the prophets (p. 67). Characteristics of family religion lived on into later ages, even when "official" theology makes its appearance.

Village

Gerstenberger acknowledges that the transition from family to village is not so very great; family customs did not die out, but the advantages of communal union were obvious. He points out several differences. The time period is roughly from the thirteenth to the tenth century, and the population of a settlement varies from about 50 to 300. The narrow interests of the family expand as commercial opportunities open up mutual exchanges. Likewise, invasion of an "enemy" could bring about a certain cohesion in common defense. The frequent mention of the "gates" indicates a gathering point where broader interests, matters of justice, etc., were discussed and adjudicated. The institution of "elders" can be interpreted as an effort to transcend merely individual or family interests. Theologically, the worship at "high places," an open-air religion, takes on importance--the very institutions condemned later by the prophets. Who was worshipped? Gerstenberger assumes that weather and fertility divinities were worshipped (p. 85), but he admits that little information regarding gods and cult is forthcoming. Where Baal, or Ashera, or Anat was honored, they should be considered as local manifestations of these high divinities. However, the origins of the three great Israelite festivals (Passover, etc.; cf. Exod 23:14-16; 34:18-26; Deut 16:1-17) betray agricultural origins in this period. More obvious signs of communal influence come from ethical demands (pp. 54-65), such as the last half of the Decalogue, although this is also evident in family religion. The role of divinity is broadened, so to speak, as the community is forced to determine an attitude towards neighbors and even outsiders.

The Tribes

The weaknesses of the reconstructions of Noth, Mendenhall, and Gottwald concerning the tribal groups is undeniable. Yet, the monarchy did not fall from heaven; so we are obliged to look back and attempt a very uncertain reconstructionbased on literary sources and archaeological results. The Book of Judges sheds some light, especially the song of Deborah, but it also creates problems. Wars receive more attention than religious practice (but cf. Joshua 24). The "victory songs" (Exod 15:20-21; Ps 68:26) commemorate the warrior God. Several of the judges (= leaders, charismatics) are endowed with the spirit, e.g., Gideon in Judges 6:34 and Saul among the prophets in 1 Samuel 10 and 19. But except for YHWH as warrior God (G. notes the studies of P. Miller and M. S. Smith, p. 120), there is little information concerning divinity. Was YHWH the God of the various tribes? An attempt to give an answer (there is none) prompts a discussion of the history behind events in Egypt, the Exodus, and Sinai; G.'s view is that the biblical presentation is improbable (pp. 92-106). A fundamental question is "whence, when, and how" did faith in YHWH originate and prevail among the tribes? There are no concrete data, only hypothetical inferences (e.g., Kenites, Shasu) from biblical and other texts (pp. 114-17). In practice, the religious understanding of family and village prevailed throughout this phase. Although YHWH is associated with the tribes, "he belonged rather in the beginning only to the type of weather and warrior divinities like Baal, Anat, Hadad, Reshep [and] Chemosh" (p. 122). This concept dominates the ethical praxis of the people (pp. 124-25), which can be exemplified in Judges 8:20-21 by Gideon's command to his son to slay Zebah and Zalmunna. G. will have none of the "holy war ideology" (herem, or ban) reflected for this period, but for the present age he recognizes a theologically legitimate right of oppressed societies to rebel and defend themselves. It is a "narrow path," but it exists (p. 127).

Monarchy

The period from Saul to Solomon witnessed the establishment of a state that quickly divided into the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. The political, economic, and social structures are turned upside down in an absolutism that gradually came to exist and perdure in both kingdoms. Now the welfare of the state and the king, understood to be supported by YHWH, becomes paramount. Solomon's division of the kingdom, described in 1 Kings 4, is typical of the social control engineered during the monarchy. The religious situation comes to resemble what G. Mendenhall (ISRAEL'S FAITH AND HISTORY [Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001], p. 128 and often) has called "Yahwisticism," a degeneration from the formative Yahwism of Moses. The king himself has divine authority and a secure dynasty, at least for David in Judah, as is evident from 2 Samuel 7:8-16 and Psalms 2 and 89:20-38. Throughout this period the royal ideal of Psalm 72 was not to be realized. Was there opposition to royal power? One can point to the revolt against Solomon, and the several changes of dynasty in the northern kingdom. The traditional view, still widely accepted, is that the prophets (Amos, etc.) provided real opposition to the well known hypocritical worship, and to the oppression of the poor. G. understands this as Deuteronomistic, describing the "prophets" in the mold of Moses (Deut 18:15); he denies that this is a description of pre-exilic prophecy, and he dates it to the exilic and post-exilic periods (p. 153). He adopts the model of R. Wilson's understanding of the prophet as a mere Mittler or communicator, whose talents cover far more than revealing the word of God. During the monarchy, the OT "prophet" (nabi') combined a broad range: man of God, seer, interpreter of dreams, etc. G. allows that some of the social criticism would have been voiced by certain marginalized groups, e.g., Amos 2:6-8; 5:10-13. Even in these cases, the ethics is derived, not from Yahwism, but from the standards of the family and village (pp. 158-59). Religion is at a low ebb; Elijah and Elisha are called "medicine men" (p. 162), and their adventures are characteristic of folk religion. In both the ancient and the modern world the exercise of power is the supreme value. G. claims that the usual "theology" of the pre-exilic prophets must be totally revised because the present understanding reflects post-exilic mentality; the conflict was between royalty and folk religion of the marginalized (p. 157).

The Faith of "Israel" in the Post-exilic Period

   We enter into the definitive phase for Old Testament theology: only with
   the exile were the traditions of ancient Israel gathered, written, to
   become the basic documents of belief.... Only since the 6th century B.C.
   did the exclusive faith in the one God, Yahweh, become firmly established
   for all [p. 166].

Thus begins the longest and perhaps the most important chapter. G. deplores the effect that the doctrine of an exclusive divinity has had in modern western civilization; in view of our pluralistic world this intolerance must be "unlearned."

How was the incredible rebirth of this people made possible? Not much information is available--only the fact that some returned to Judah and others established communities in the Diaspora, which extended from Alexandria to Babylon and grew steadily. But the reality is a mysterious process--that a people should recreate their early traditions, forming them into holy writings, torah and prophets. Instead of the "queen of heaven" 0er 44:16-18), the Lord prevails and exclusive fidelity is demanded, even though the "chosen" people were decimated and exiled. G. (p. 175) singles out Jonah's definition of himself in 1:8-9, "I fear YHWH, the God of heaven, who made the sea and the dry land," as a novum in the history of the ancient Near East. A tight community life helped the people to achieve a sense of superiority; they were chosen by the Lord (Deut 10:14-17). The Lord is king, as the "enthronement" psalms (Pss 47, 93, 96-99) proclaim. Yet, there is also a "weakness theology" (pp. 185, 197) as in Lamentations 2:5 and some psalms, e.g., 44:10-23--a God who is close and yet distant. The traditional divine attributes (all-knowing, etc.) are hard to reconcile with a God who seems to contradict them and who is more mysterious than traditional believers will accept. In the Servant of God songs of Isaiah, especially Isaiah 53, suffering even unto death appears as the "fruitful ground that already bears in itself the buds of new life" (p. 197).

The future of God's people is assured, but the initiative lies with the Lord. Messianism, so firmly described by many theologians, is practically bypassed by G. (p. 199). Instead, he describes a theology from below, such as the ideals indicated in Deuteronomy 15 and Leviticus 25. Now the plight of the poor, who are the concern of the Lord, is made manifest (see, e.g., Pss 34:15-21; 104:13). This belief perdures, but not without difficulties, as Psalms 37 and 73 bear witness. "Torah piety" means obedience to the Lord, "the great teacher of Israel." From Nehemiah 8:8 G. concludes that biblical interpretation was born, and also that the torah not only revealed the divine will, but was to be continually interpreted anew, for its study became a fundamental religious activity of the just person (Ps 1).

This community not only welded itself into a tightly closed unit, even with its foundations in the diaspora, but it made the claim of world dominion for the Lord. This was due, not to (pre-exilic) Yahwistic belief, but to outside influence: Babylonian ideas on creation and world empire, the dualism of Persia, and possibly Egyptian ideas. He finds this an astonishing feat, but the reader may doubt this, when so little evidence is presented.

The status of the Temple, rebuilt in 515, was changed; it was no longer an appendage to the palace. Moreover, the birth of the synagogue (no dates for this) marked a certain distance towards the typical style of worship. However, the reading of the Law by the scribe Ezra (around 450) sets the tone of the community. Now they pledge fidelity (Ezra 8:1-8). Moreover, the sacrificial system of old, although it does not disappear (Leviticus 1-7), is now seen in another light, as manifested in Psalms 40:7-9, 50:8-13, and 51:18-19. The old distinction between "official" religion and the belief of the people appears in the assessment of the postexilic period, although G. admits that there is not enough real evidence concerning the structure of folk religion.

In contrast to the Christian style, the emphasis is on orthopraxy rather than orthodoxy. Hence the broad field of ethics. A faithful life was determined by the observance of the Decalogue and the several prescriptions ("catechisms") in the Pentateuch, not to mention the wisdom literature. Much of this derived from old sources of family and tribal ways of life. Several old restrictions, e.g., purity/impurity laws, came down from the past, and they stand in some contradiction to the later description of creation: that all was very good (Gen 1:31). G. rounds off his discussion of this period with a statement that the idea of YHWH alone being God is debatable (p. 216), because today we have not really understood its meaning. He personally believes he cannot abandon his "monistic faith." This sets up the discussion in the next chapter.

Polytheism, Syncretism, and the One God

Gerstenberger begins by proclaiming a "theology from below," i.e., differentiated views about God due to changing historical and social conditions. One cannot speak about the divine essence. As for the one God of Deuteronomy 6:4-6, this confession is not theoretical, it derives from the need of the community for its own identity. Does this mean polytheism? Possibly--but that would presume a firm religious belief that did not tolerate divinities on the side. That kind of community did not exist. One should rather think of functions of religious experience in various parts of the community. This is not monotheism, for "the postulated unity of God is at the most a conceptual construct" (p. 219) that cannot be examined and traced back to a given point. In the period of the monarchy syncretism contributed to a "new faith" (p. 221) that was promoted as "official," but affected the family and tribal phases. This was not a syncretism that simply added a few things to a long tradition; rather it was the creation of several levels within the community. It is an illusion to think of ideas about God as prefabricated notions derived from the past: "The substance of the understanding of God comes from one's own present."

Gerstenberger constantly insists that the social situation of a community is "chiefly responsible" (p. 222) for the expression of its faith, even with its contradictions. One cannot truly rely on the claim of the "true faith" for all humans and times because our words (and therefore the concept of God) are limited and cannot be universalized. The universal claim for worship of YHWH with the concomitant dismissal of foreign cults, is religious intolerance, a way of asserting oneself, and it has unleashed today "orgies of persecution and destruction" (p. 223).

Results and Disputes

Gerstenberger introduces his final chapter as indicating a search for a functional and responsible "picture of God for our globalized world of the third millennium" (p. 224). He finishes it with a page entitled "God for all," and a description of Christian faith. "Our views about God are in themselves not so overwhelmingly important; what is of decisive import is the dynamic that the faith produces" (p. 242). He will not permit Christians to forget that they have a built-in filter when they read the Old Testament. But it allows us to understand Jesus the Jew, and it serves as a corrective to our views on life.

Among the many current questions that G. raises is liberation theology. He quotes a few lines from a popular Brazilian song: "We want our land here on earth--we already have it in heaven," and he remarks that there is more theology in these lines than in many a scholarly monograph. "Precious--the certainty about the next life, serving as a basis for asserting oneself in this life" (p. 231). He sees this attitude as relativizing the final Judgment (Matthew 25), and in fact his study simply bypasses the question of a future life (or better, it simply stays with the Old Testament understanding).

He returns to the four phases with which he began. Each has a relative value, but for our times a theology for the individual and the globe is desirable. He favors micromanagement rather than macromanagement, provided that it contributes truly to human living. His remarks about history and the eschaton are short but to the point. The liturgical calendar features feasts that betray a "cyclical" understanding of time. But in the historical works there are past, present, and future, and so a "linear" view of time. We are already in the eschaton, and that should make us cautious about speaking of the end of history in apocalyptic accents. Finally, what pictures of God are suitable for our time? G. thinks of God on a personal level but admits that many of the traditional labels, such as love, justice, and so forth, depend much on the individual worshipper. For him, God is not the transcendent or totally Other. Rather, God is suffering and compassionate. The final page conveys a touching (if incomplete) description of Christian faith in God. He is optimistic about the "dynamic" that faith produces.

An appendix carries Gersenberger's final lecture (July 23, 1997), "God in Our Time." It highlights many of the points made in the above summary of the book, from Genesis to the Globe.

Strengths and Weaknesses

It may be said that this reaction is merely a euphemism for yes and no, agreements and disagreements. But that is not my real intention. I hope readers are prompted to take a position on the many issues that this stimulating book gives rise to.

The Strengths.

1. The study focusses on a theology as lived out by people across many centuries. It is not the tidy description that academic theology provides; there is a surfeit of books that do that. So the volume is not "academic theology," but only an academic could have written it.

2. Gerstenberger's interpretation of the Old Testament adds correctives to the Christian mentality as it has progressed through history. Suffice it to say that the Christian doctrine of life beyond death cannot be allowed to cover over the injustices suffered in the here-and-now.

3. I do not know of any other studies of Old Testament theology that make as many connections with the current age. Gerstenberger has a way of putting questions to the text that few have been able to emulate.

The Weaknesses

1. Hypotheses. These are spread throughout the phases. Perhaps that is the price to be paid for replacing a static and uniform theology of traditional themes with a vivid description of a practical theology as it was lived out by the people of God. Take your choice.

2. Exaggerations. Some of these have been cited above without further comment. An example: "We are and remain born polytheists, no matter how many times we give lip service to the one God" (p. 219). This remark can be understood in the immediate context of concrete history--the history of the Church in the West. However, the oneness of God is not to be dismissed as a mental construct simply because it cannot be proved. G. refers many times to the necessarily inadequate human attempts to understand God. That is nothing new. Moreover, the biblical view of monotheism is not the result of Israel's need to maintain its own identity (pp. 218-19).

3. Omissions. The neglect of royal messianism and wisdom literature. The view on the writing prophets (pp. 152-59) are meagre and askew.

I leave it to the readers to find more strengths and weaknesses.

Roland E. Murphy, S.TD. (Catholic University of America), a member of the Carmelite Order, is George Washington Ivey Emeritus Professor of Biblical Studies at Duke University, now residing at Whitefriars Hall, Washington, D.C. 20017. His most recent book is EXPERIENCING OUR BIBLICAL HERITAGE (Hendrickson, 2001).

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