A New Paradigm for Understanding Women's Sexuality and Sexual Orientation

As another example, living in same-sex institutions also tends to increase the likelihood of romantic and erotic relationships between women. In the 1920s, Katharine Davis (1929) surveyed more than 2,000 graduates of women's colleges. Fully 42% of the sample reported that they had had an intense emotional relationship with another woman in college; 1 woman in 5 reported having a sexual relationship with a best friend in college. Same-sex relationships are also common among prison populations and appear to be more prevalent among women than men in prison (see review in Baumeister, 2000; Rust, this issue). In both cases, institutions created for nonsexual purposes--education and incarceration-- provide settings that foster same-sex bonds between women.

An important implication of cross-cultural and historical findings is that researchers cannot assume that the experiences of contemporary American women are universal or even typical of the full range of women's erotic attractions and relationships. More broadly, the phenomena of sexual orientation are not fixed and universal, but rather highly variable across time and place. Researchers interested in understanding the general nature of female sexuality must look beyond their immediate cultural and historical context.

Sexual Prejudice

The experiences of contemporary lesbian and bisexual women must be understood in the context of widespread prejudice against sexual minorities in our society (see Herek, 2000, and this issue). Indeed, bisexual women may encounter negative attitudes not only from heterosexuals but from lesbians as well (Rust, 1993, and this issue). Similarly, individuals who are both ethnic and sexual minorities may encounter sexual prejudice from both mainstream society and from their own racial/ethnic communities (Rust, 1996; Savin-Williams, 1996).

Sexual prejudice is closely linked to attitudes about gender and women's sexuality. Lesbians and gay men are disliked in part because they are perceived to violate traditional gender roles (Storms, 1978). Gender nonconformity is a central theme in antigay stereotypes, which depict lesbians as masculine or unfeminine and gay men as effeminate or unmasculine (Herek, 1984, Kite & Deaux, 1987). Furthermore, antigay prejudice is stronger among heterosexuals who endorse traditional, restrictive attitudes about gender and family roles and who reject equality between the sexes (Herek, 1984).

All people are affected by sexual prejudice and discrimination. Women who identify as lesbian or bisexual must navigate through hostile social environments and may experience difficult dilemmas about when to conceal versus reveal their sexual orientation and intimate relationships. Women who are uncertain about their sexual orientation may be discouraged from considering sexual-minority options. Sexual prejudice also touches the lives of heterosexuals. Fear of being labeled gay is a powerful socialization influence (see Hyde & Jaffee, this issue). Regardless of their sexual orientation, girls and women who appear to be masculine in their appearance or interests, who dress in nontraditional clothes or resist a man's sexual advances, who work in nontraditional occupations or appear assertive risk being called lesbians (Kite, 1994). As a result, heterosexuals may experience social pressure to conform to traditional gender roles in order to avoid the stigmatizing label of homosexuality. For example, varsity wome n athletes often wear dresses, makeup, jewelry or long hair to avoid being considered lesbian (Blinde & Taub, 1992).