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Convergent and divergent ideals in the SADC region
Journal of Third World Studies, Fall 1997 by Tlou, Lehlohonolo
By Lehlohonolo Tlou*
A UNION OF IDEALS
Nationalism, regionalism and economic development are all active ingredients in the recipe for economic growth and sustainable progress. These three elements, however, are quite often examined separately in discussions of African development. An analysis of all three elements together may be important to understanding the way economic development has been promoted in Africa. This paper considers the point at which these elements converge and diverge. In particular, it analyses the push and pull factors of these elements, as experienced by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). SADC has been called the most successful regional programme in Africa. For this reason, we consider the extent to which nationalism, regionalism, and economic development plans advance or impede SADC's objectives.
Nationalism, regionalism and economic development in Africa intertwine at various points. First, they intersect when there is the bid to promote freedom and unity. Second, the three elements intermix when the state takes a lead in promoting each of them. Third, they intermingle when the ruling elite manipulates them as ideals, in order to maximize elite objectives. Fourth, the three factors integrate when exogenous forces are identified as the source of development problems. A common thread in the fabric of nationalism, regionalism and economic development is the point at which each emphasizes the independence and solidarity of African people.
Nationalist Tendencies
Nationalism is manifold and enigmatic as a result of its national, subnational and supranational complexities. Whether one affixes the prefixes "sub-" or "supra-" to nationalism, what remains abundantly clear is that nationalism in Africa cannot be solely characterized by the definitions of German philosophers Fichte and Schleiermacher who argued that language mirrored the national soul.1 Such conventional definitions of nationalism are narrowly confined within the walls of a cultural or linguistic criterion and do not adequately depict its multifaceted manifestation in Africa. National questions have affected Africa in subnational (i.e., racial, religious and ethnic), national (economic and/or political self-determination) and supranational (regional and Pan-Africanist cooperation). First, racial, religious and ethnic politics have been mainly expressed as sub-nationalism and in some cases have turned into a nationalist campaign. For instance, racial subnationalism was manifested in the white-settler regimes of Southern Africa which led to African nationalist campaigns for democracy and independence. Second, economic and political self-determination has been chiefly expressed as nationalism but may also be articulated as sub-nationalism. The South African struggle against apartheid promoted a national liberation struggle and yet the Mangopes and Buthelezis of the country waged subnational campaigns to preserve their Tswana and Zulu Bantustans (respectively) as relatively autonomous political and economic entities. A third variant includes continental solidarity which has been primarily expressed as supranationalism. The Pan-African movement and the Organization of African Unity embody this manifestation of nationalism in Africa. Divisive politics may erupt in any of these varieties, however, sub-nationalism turned nationalism and nationalism turned supra-nationalism have the effect of mobilizing wider groups than the primary reference group to which the consciousness appertains.2 In this vein, the consciousness of the majority of Namibians, Zimbabweans and South Africans who aspired to belong to a multiracial and democratic society was a shared interest by nationals, other Africans and many people around the world.
National self-determination during the colonial period and supra-nationalism of the Pan-African movement also promote unity and solidarity among a wider and diverse group of peoples. Both forms of nationalism combine to be potent mobilizing agents and can be exemplified by the experience of the Southern African region. From 1959 to 1963 the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) worked to support liberation movements. Tanzania played a crucial role in the bid to unite the peoples of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa and to rid the latter of colonial and/or minority governments. PAFMECSA became known as the Organization of African Unity's Conference of East and Central Africa from 1964 to 1974 and continued to support national self-determination in the affected states. After the fall of the Portuguese empire and the successes of Angola and Mozambique to attain their independence, the Conference was transformed into the Frontline States (FLS) of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia. The FLS maintained the nationalist and Pan-Africanist objective of aiding the liberation movements in the remaining white minorityruled areas of Southern Africa. After five years (1974-1979), the FLS extended an invitation to Lesotho, Swaziland, Malawi and upon their independence, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe.